Since the 2008 financial crisis, self-employment as a sector of the British labour market has
increased sharply, and accounts for nearly one third of the growth in
employment figures since 2010. The rate of self-employment now stands at approximately
15% of the labour force, in other words about 4.64 million individuals (BoE,
2015; ONS 2016). Self-employment has “outstripped growth in permanent
employment by 3 to 1 in the last decade” (O’Leary, 2015: 9) and has “accounted
for nearly half of the increase in total employment since the recession”
(Deane, 2016: 7).
It is some of this
group (those earning more than £16,250 pa) that were most concerned by the changes
in National Insurance Contributions (NICs) for the self-employed announced by
the Chancellor Phillip Hammond in the 2017
Budget in the House of Commons on 8th March 2017.
As a relatively small change in the Budget, the Chancellor
announced that Class 4 NICs for the self-employed would rise from 9% to 10% in
April 2018 – and then to 11% in April 2019 – on income up to the higher rate
threshold of £45,000 pa. The new rates are still lower than for employees who
pay NICs at 12% on the same income levels, while both groups will continue to
pay at 2% on income above the higher rate threshold.
This caused a great
deal of furore in various circles, both in The
Guardian and The
Telegraph amongst others, and not a little traffic on my Twitter timeline with a range of
people arguing for this change as well as against. What didn’t make it through
the knee-jerk reactions was that only those of the self-employed earning in
excess of £30,000pa would be worse off – so whilst no one likes paying more, it
was in its own way progressive.
However, not only did this change to NICs fall foul of the
2015 Conservative Party election manifesto’s commitment to a 5
year lock against income tax and NI rises, but combined with the scrutiny
that the Chancellor’s decision was put under, and coupled with the political
capital that is being used by the Prime Minister to push through the
unnecessary and damaging hard Brexit, saw the decision reversed in a matter
of days.
I’d suggest that the focus
of the (social) media-led outrage was misplaced. The real culprit affecting
self-employed persons on low incomes is Universal Credit (UC), and specifically
the Minimum Income Floor (MIF):
The most pertinent element of UC and self-employment
in relation to vulnerability is the MIF, which applies to those who make a
claim for UC and who have been self-employed for a minimum of twelve months. As
the DWP (2016) makes clear, the “MIF is
an assumed level of earnings”,
based on an expectation of what a similarly gainfully employed person might be
expected to earn. An individual’s MIF is calculated on the basis of:
Age applicable
national minimum wage rate per hour x expected hours per week x 52 weeks =
annual gross income, divided by 12 = gross monthly income
For the self-employed to
claim Universal Credit, earnings must be declared to the DWP on a month by
month basis, and if an individual’s earnings exceed their set MIF,
self-employed claimants will receive less UC. However, if they earn less than
their MIF, they will receive no increase in their UC, and in addition the MIF
is only reviewed on an annual basis. Those who are self-employed are liable to
earn less than employees and their income is likely to fluctuate throughout the
year. In evidence given to the
Work and Pensions Committee on 22/01/17, both Victoria Todd from the Low Income Tax Group and Benedict Dellot
from the RSA suggested that a relatively
low paid self-employed individual claiming Universal Credit will be worse off
than an employee earning the same amount.
Clearly Universal Credit and the MIF disadvantages those who
are self-employed, and this further increases their economic
vulnerability as a result of a potentially fluctuating income and a social
protection system that clearly fails to take account of this.
So although it is a clear truism that no one likes the idea
of increased NICs, the real problem for the self-employed is Universal Credit
and the Minimum Income Floor. It is this which the public, press and politicians
should be aiming their ire towards. It is this which increases the likelihood
of in-work poverty for those who, we are told, are a clear sign of success for
the UK economy and are in part a driver of recovery both from the 2008 crisis
and the inevitable fallout from Theresa May’s decision to pursue an ultra-hard
Brexit… but that is a topic for another blog on another day.
Kevin Caraher –
follow me on Twitter
Sources:
Bank Of
England (2015) Self-employment: what can we learn from recent developments?,
Quarterly Bulletin 2015 Q1, http://www.bankofengland.co.uk/publications/Documents/quarterlybulletin/2015/q105.pdf
Deane, J.
(2015) Self Employment Review: An independent report, https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/505561/ind-16-2-self-employment-review.pdf
Department
for Work & Pensions (2016), ‘Universal Credit and self-employment’, https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/universal-credit-and-self-employment-quick-guide/universal-credit-and-self-employment-quick-guide
O’Leary, D.
(2014) ‘Going it alone’, http://www.demos.co.uk/files/DEMOS_GoingitAlone_web.pdf?1409503024
ONS (2016).
UK Labour Market: April 2016: Estimates of employment, unemployment, economic
inactivity and other employment related statistics for the UK, https://www.ons.gov.uk/employmentandlabourmarket/peopleinwork/employmentandemployeetypes/bulletins/uklabourmarket/april2016#employment
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