tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-37371650441927787612024-02-19T12:28:51.688+00:00Wicked IssuesA blog dedicated to public services, international development, social policy, public management and contemporary politics, by the Online Team in the Department of Social Policy and Social Work at the University of YorkThe University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.comBlogger26125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-18108919594237083782017-07-11T13:19:00.000+01:002017-07-11T17:38:23.233+01:00One step forward, one step back, one to the side – The Taylor Review into employment practices<div class="MsoNormal">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhn438mcG8UQS8utJuc1RCZ6xhA4Z4HDhBnWKCNENcKBmpddBVIly3O52EiGckEkiGi-F2F2UpKT51EGHHd8k1a0yEFFV980S9R7gsepU8XZKhsDe_uVOKxuS-7dB_mLhHgteq-M7QcLpo/s1600/Qualitaetsarbeit.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><img border="0" data-original-height="640" data-original-width="480" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhn438mcG8UQS8utJuc1RCZ6xhA4Z4HDhBnWKCNENcKBmpddBVIly3O52EiGckEkiGi-F2F2UpKT51EGHHd8k1a0yEFFV980S9R7gsepU8XZKhsDe_uVOKxuS-7dB_mLhHgteq-M7QcLpo/s400/Qualitaetsarbeit.JPG" width="300" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Pierre Bourdieu once warned that <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/books/first/b/bourdieu-television.html"><span style="color: blue;">television
encourages ‘fast-thinking’</span></a>, a form of commentary that is antithetical to
the slow rigorous analyses in which academics and intellectuals should engage. Social
media create an even stronger incentive to join public debates as early as
possible, to avoid the risk of only contributing when attention has already
shifted to another topic. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The publication today of the much awaited <b><a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/groups/employment-practices-in-the-modern-economy"><span style="color: blue;">Taylor
Review into ‘Employment Practices in the Modern Economy</span>’</a></b> strongly illustrates
this point, with a flurry of commentary published shortly after (or even
before) the report has become available. These comments (including obviously
this one) inevitably have a preliminary character; they ought to be confirmed,
adjusted or refuted once the dust has settled and a clearer picture of the
review and especially its material impact on working conditions in Britain
emerges. And yet a few points already are visible, like the
contours of a skyline on the horizon. It seems the Taylor Review is marked by <b>multiple ambivalences</b> that speak
against a simplistic response of either praising or dismissing it swiftly: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">First, the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/626772/good-work-taylor-review-modern-working-practices.pdf"><span style="color: blue;">review</span></a>
is, from a political perspective, <b>both current
and dated</b>. It is current because it rightly acknowledges and puts at the
centre of public debate (at least for a moment) the crucial question of
employment conditions - even if the rhetoric of the report itself attempts to mitigate
against the impression of a profound change, for example by arguing that levels
of full-time standard employment remain on a high level of 60% (p.24), or by
stressing that the apparent rise in ‘zero hours contracts’ may be primarily due
to an “improved recognition” of this employment type (p.25). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Notwithstanding, the <b><a href="http://wickedissues.blogspot.co.uk/2016/10/go-getters-who-go-get-lunch-vulnerable.html"><span style="color: blue;">continuous
degradation of employment conditions</span></a></b> has been one of the key pillars of
neoliberal global capitalism, with its intrinsic tendency to transfer risks and
exposure to the volatility of markets to individual workers and employees, in
order to boost the profitability of businesses and the competitiveness of
corporations as well as national economies. And while this economic model
staggers on despite its apparent instability, its legitimacy has arguably been
eroded substantially at latest since the ‘crisis’ of 2007 – to the point that
addressing the question of employment conditions no longer is ‘only’ a matter
of social justice and economic sustainability, but also of <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23269995.2014.992119"><span style="color: blue;">maintaining a democratic
political order</span></a>. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">At the same time, the report is already somehow dated, as it was commissioned
with <b>political conditions</b> in mind
that failed to materialise. When Theresa May launched the review in October
2016, the aim was to underpin the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/statement-from-the-new-prime-minister-theresa-may"><span style="color: blue;">Prime
Minister’s first speech in office</span></a>, in which tackling social divisions and
injustices to help those who “just about manage” were elevated to major policy priorities.
This attempt to redefine the orientation of the Conservative Party was partly built
on the assumption that, due to the weakness of the Labour Party (and <a href="http://wickedissues.blogspot.co.uk/2015/09/from-tiger-to-doormat-opinion-piece-on.html"><span style="color: blue;">social
democracy in general</span></a>), a realignment of British politics in favour of the
political right was possible. With the outcome of the latest general election,
May’s ensuing weakness as Tory leader and Prime Minister, and the increased
strength of Labour, the political context of the Taylor Review is largely
different. It hence remains to be seen to what extent its recommendations can
be implemented against the more extreme ‘small government’ faction within the
Conservative Party and an emboldened Labour Party that is likely to oppose the
review’s findings as ‘too little, too late’. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Secondly, the recommendations are <b>both substantial and inconsequential</b>. They are substantial in light
of the acknowledgement that the regulatory framework for the labour market requires
adjustments to restrict the ability of employers who exploit
non-standard forms of employment such as ‘zero hours contracts’, agency work or
bogus self-employment to act as they please - by imposing, for example, a more
stringent test to determine the employment status of a person (p.35), and by
strengthening the enforcement of existing rules by facilitating access to
employment tribunals to assess a person’s employment status (p.62). All which is
going <b>against the trend of ever
increasing ‘flexibility’ of employment</b>. The <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/626772/good-work-taylor-review-modern-working-practices.pdf"><span style="color: blue;">report</span></a>
furthermore endorses a comprehensive understanding of ‘<b>quality work</b>’ (p.12-15),
and underlines that ‘flexibility’ can be imposed by employers without granting reciprocal
benefits (p.43). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">While it can indeed be argued, <a href="http://touchstoneblog.org.uk/2017/07/taylor-review-isnt-game-changer-gig-economy-workers-need/"><span style="color: blue;">like
trade unions have done</span></a>, that the creation of the new status of <b>‘dependent contractors’</b> to replace the
current category of ‘workers’ (p. 35) simply replaces one type of employment
status with restricted employment rights by another, the rights that would come
with this status would nevertheless represent a small, incremental improvement in
social protection of people who are currently regarded incorrectly as
self-employed, for example by providing holiday and sickness pay. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This is unsurprisingly far from enough from a progressive
point of view, but it seems fair to say that anyone who hoped for more radical
conclusions from this review must have misunderstood its political function and
remit. The report clearly embraces the <b>current
doxa</b>, according to which low levels of labour market regulation are intrinsically
positive and are seen as a sign for a dynamic economy (p.17). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">However, even from a more benevolent perspective, the review’s
findings are also quite inconsequential on the larger scale, as the review operates within <b>an intellectual framework that is partially
outdated</b> and that therefore struggles to draw conclusions that can
appropriately tackle the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/S1474746417000033" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">question of vulnerable employment</span></a><span style="color: blue;"><span style="color: blue;">.</span></span><span style="color: blue;"> </span>Its
overall premise is a combination of <b>light-touch
regulation with an increased reliance on negotiations</b> between employers and
employees within companies, with a focus on giving employees a stronger ‘voice’
and improving workplace transparency (pp. 52-54). This is encapsulated neatly
in Taylor’s <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/626772/good-work-taylor-review-modern-working-practices.pdf"><span style="color: blue;">fourth
principle for fair and decent work</span></a>, which stresses that “better work
is not national regulation but responsible corporate governance, good
management and strong employment relations within the organisation” (p.9). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This approach suffers from a <b>fundamental flaw</b>: Although the report recognises power imbalances
as a root cause of insecure work (p.26), it ultimately assumes a generally
benign balance of power between employers and employees; an equilibrium that simply does not
exist for all employees, self-employed and workers, due to the structural
constraints of the contemporary British labour market in which especially
low-paid workers and employees of the service industry are intrinsically
disadvantaged and are unable to exercise the kind of pressure on employers that
would be needed to engage in meaningful and fair negotiations. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is of course undeniable that a <a href="https://www.thersa.org/globalassets/pdfs/reports/rsa_good-gigs-fairer-gig-economy-report.pdf">s<span style="color: blue;">ubstantive
share of the self-employed and of ‘gig economy’ workers are able to defend
their interests effectively</span></a> but the <b>role
of the law</b> as expression of the general will is to establish shared
standards and rules that cannot be undercut and that hence protect the weakest members
of society from abuse and hardship, as expressed in the often cited saying by
Lacordaire “Between the strong and the weak, between the rich and the poor,
between the lord and the slave, it is freedom which oppresses and the law which
sets free.” By stressing that the existing employment “works well and is
flexible enough to deal with new ways of working”, and that it is merely its varied
interpretation that causes problems (p.33), the review attempts to foreclose
any more far-reaching and radical discussion of labour market flexibility and its social
impact. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This problem is illustrated in almost farcical form by the following
quote regarding <b>agency workers</b>, on
p. 48 of the report (but other similar quotes can be found easily): “The
Government should introduce a right to request a direct contract of employment
for agency workers who have been placed with the same hirer for 12 months, and
an obligation on the hirer to consider the request in a reasonable manner.” All
employers using agency workers to cut their wage bill and transfer the
volatility of demand onto workers will already shake in their boots. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Having said this, even in the current political context, the
report has the potential to <b>stimulate
public debates</b> and introduces a number of interesting proposals, notably
regarding self-employment (including changes to taxation and national insurance
contributions), which merit further more careful study. Despite its overall conservative
and incremental orientation, it re-politicises the topic of employment
conditions and thus ideally will open up a debate about wage-labour-related problems
that for too long have been side-lined. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/enrico-reuter/"><i><span style="color: blue;">Enrico Reuter</span></i></a><span class="MsoHyperlink"><i> </i></span><i>– follow me on<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></i><i><a href="https://twitter.com/ReuterEnrico"><span style="color: blue;">Twitter</span></a></i><span style="color: #666666;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-67216020302426922222017-06-21T15:55:00.003+01:002017-06-21T15:55:56.191+01:00Effective student-friendly online learning: What we have learned, and how our students benefit<div class="MsoNormal">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjNv2JAKUyVOaf7E4Z3dwEmfp-weWtMxiQv18WETScaG3NvTQvxiPkN8Efku_tBsCqGkaqfdZAEvJqg-mNCpy0Bm6gK_ik2XcVJxhfbfUc3bbW7Tdx9CqyLmHWzHuXGQ1_oc2Hk9nD18ho/s1600/online+learning_hand.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="400" height="300" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjNv2JAKUyVOaf7E4Z3dwEmfp-weWtMxiQv18WETScaG3NvTQvxiPkN8Efku_tBsCqGkaqfdZAEvJqg-mNCpy0Bm6gK_ik2XcVJxhfbfUc3bbW7Tdx9CqyLmHWzHuXGQ1_oc2Hk9nD18ho/s400/online+learning_hand.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Here in the <a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/"><span style="color: blue;">Department of Social Policy and Social Work</span></a> at the University of York we have been developing and delivering wholly online postgraduate programmes of study for public service practitioners since 2003.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">As demand for online learning grows, and with many institutions now embarking on offering study choices of this kind, it may be a good moment to reflect on what we have learned about delivering an effective online programme, from the student’s point of view.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Based on our experience and on wider research, the following factors appear to be of key importance:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Programme design that balances flexibility with structure<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">For many people the flexibility that online study offers is one of the major reasons for embarking on this mode of study. Our experience suggests, however, that this flexibility needs to be balanced with an explicit structure which provides participants with a clear route-map, both in respect of their programme as a whole and their week by week activity. Our students are all in demanding roles in the workplace, and so it is very important that there is a policy of ‘no surprises’, and that activities, deadlines and expectations are all clear. A mix of structure, clarity and flexibility enables students to plot a way forward to a successful conclusion.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Flexibility is also important in terms of modes of communication. Students can choose to contact their tutor and personal supervisor by email, phone or Skype – according to their preferred style and what they wish to discuss, so that they get the most from the encounter. The weekly tutor-led group discussions are conducted ‘a-synchronously’, which means that students never have to be online at the same time as each other.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A sense of community<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">When students are studying at a distance, often in widely-dispersed locations, it’s important that their studies are designed to enable and embed a sense of community. Research suggests that this brings three key benefits, from the student’s point of view:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<li class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">First, many of our students are looking for opportunities, through their studies, to share and compare experiences with other practitioners who are working in different contexts but with similar public service motivations. It’s therefore very important that opportunities for interaction and mutual learning are built in throughout the programme. As one of our alumni put it: “<span style="background: white; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">I expected that my study time would be rather solitary. In actual fact, the weekly online discussions gave a great deal of staff-student and student-student interaction. A great benefit of the course was that many of the students were mid-career people from around the world and were able to draw on a wide range of experience in topic discussions. It was a privilege to hear their experiences being shared in a confidential and supportive environment.”</span><o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Secondly, research suggests that this kind of mutual learning and enquiry fosters deeper learning, as it helps students to acquire a more rounded and advanced understanding of complex topics.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Thirdly, a sense of community also provides for social cohesion and helps to sustain motivation. Distance learning requires considerable commitment, especially when it is being undertaken concurrently with a demanding professional role, and so the importance of this social ‘glue’ can’t be overstated.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
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<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></b><b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Tutor ‘presence’<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The role of the tutor is closely linked to the previous factor, as <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/bjet.12302/pdf"><span style="color: blue;">research repeatedly demonstrates</span></a> the important role in online learning of tutor ‘presence’, and the impact that this has on developing trust, enabling learning and sustaining the all-important sense of community. In practice, and as demonstrated in our own <a href="http://www.igi-global.com/chapter/behave-yourself/103589"><span style="color: windowtext;"><span style="color: blue;">research</span>,</span></a> ‘tutor presence’ means that tutors are available and present within the virtual learning environment; that they actively lead and facilitate the learning process; that they support individual learners and the group as a whole; and that they are responsive and ‘visible’.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It’s been observed that online tutors act as teachers, designers and counsellors, and our experience bears this out.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Joined up communication<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Both of the previous factors involve effective communication, and this comes to the fore in this next factor, which concerns a holistic approach to managing communication with students and building relationships with them.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Typically, organisational structures in universities often separate the ‘academic’ from the ‘administrative’, but our experience has been that a holistic approach is needed, with the student and their experience at the centre. In practice, this means using a team-based approach, so that plans can be drawn up and information shared between all those who are involved in the delivery of the programme. This approach also ensures that processes are well thought out from the student’s point of view. Handled this way, administrative staff also become an important part of building and maintaining relationships with students.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Communications also need to be ‘joined up’ with the university more widely, so that university-level services, be they careers or welfare-related, are all accessible and meaningful for online students. At York, we have recently established an <a href="https://www.york.ac.uk/colleges/wentworth/wentworth-online/"><span style="color: blue;">online college</span></a> where students can connect and learn about all the support available from the University for their studies and beyond, into life after graduation.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Invisible technology<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It’s important from the student’s point of view that the technology which supports the programme is accessible, easy to use and intuitive. It also needs to be designed with the needs of the students in mind. In our case, that means ensuring that the virtual learning environment, and all the material in it, can be readily accessed even by students in very remote locations. Above all though, the technology should be ‘invisible’; while it’s a key enabler, it isn’t an end in itself, and should quickly become so taken for granted that students don’t have to think about it.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Making the most of the benefits of online learning<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Finally, designing effective online learning involves recognising the distinctive advantages that this mode of study brings, and making the most of them:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b>Collaborative learning</b>. One key advantage is the opportunity that online study brings for collaborative learning within an international network of peers. This underlines the importance of building in the kind of mutual enquiry and learning mentioned above, and this again points to the central theme of ‘community’.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b>Reflection and ongoing debate. </b>The fact that discussion takes place through a-synchronous, week-long discussion forums means that there are much greater opportunities for reflection and ongoing debate than in real-time classrooms which prioritise immediate responses. This emphasis on reflection and debate is very appropriate and useful for the professional development objectives that most online programmes share.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b>Simultaneous immersion in study and work</b>. This mode of study also brings a benefit that has perhaps been less well-recognised in the discourse about online learning: the opportunity for simultaneous and ongoing immersion in study and work. Unlike courses that take place at a distance from the workplace, in terms of both location and time, online study joins the two, and so learning and insights can be immediately applied. <a href="https://www.york.ac.uk/media/spsw/images/books/SBile14may2015.pdf"><span style="color: blue;">Our research</span></a> into the ‘simultaneous immersion’ that online study makes possible identifies clear benefits for professional development which go well beyond the actual period of study.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This final point indicates a common factor across all of those noted above: the importance of thinking programme design through from the perspective of the student. In terms of content, tutoring, learning outcomes and communications, the students’ needs should drive the programme design.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/ellen-roberts/">Ellen Roberts</a> - Director of the Online MA programmes in Public Policy and Management</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b>For more information about our programmes, or to enquire about applying for entry in September 2017, please see our web pages <a href="https://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/postgraduate/onlinestudy/"><span style="color: windowtext;"><span style="color: blue;">here</span>,</span></a> or contact <a href="mailto:spsw-online@york.ac.uk"><span style="color: blue;">spsw-online@york.ac.uk</span></a></b></span></div>
The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-26093135863280764152017-04-13T13:58:00.001+01:002017-04-13T16:41:30.215+01:00The 'red devil' (who brings progressive politics back to life)<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjMqSfxbbM1x0FHPrd9V1dJJqXsPYD_aciouCRyTmGFLf2l7shu7Km4UgIBGCpbRc1BYonBBZNcyGAw6oPmbB1ZkBnrejQL4VbSuVPKMX4AhyphenhyphenE-TzNtHRqg0BwwspuzqlC9Ctr-y8-vSk0/s1600/JLM+march+2017.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjMqSfxbbM1x0FHPrd9V1dJJqXsPYD_aciouCRyTmGFLf2l7shu7Km4UgIBGCpbRc1BYonBBZNcyGAw6oPmbB1ZkBnrejQL4VbSuVPKMX4AhyphenhyphenE-TzNtHRqg0BwwspuzqlC9Ctr-y8-vSk0/s400/JLM+march+2017.JPG" width="300" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">With the first round of the <b>French presidential election</b> approaching quickly, interest in what
will be a decisive political juncture not just for France but for Europe and
the rest of the world is rising – even among the British media, usually more
fascinated by irrelevant intricacies of US-American politics than by political
developments in continental Europe. In recent days, attention has slightly
shifted from the two longstanding front-runners, the centrist <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Emmanuel_Macron"><span style="color: blue;">Emmanuel Macron</span></a> and the
far-right <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marine_Le_Pen"><span style="color: blue;">Marine Le Pen</span></a>,
to scrutinise another candidate who <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/french-election-latest-news-polls-president-leftist-jean-luc-melenchon-2017-polls-marine-le-pen-fn-a7677621.html"><span style="color: blue;">has
gained support in recent polls</span></a>, and who now seems to stand a low but reasonable
chance of being qualified for the second round of this election: <b><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jean-Luc_M%C3%A9lenchon">Jean-Luc Mélenchon</a></b>,
representative of the <a href="https://jlm2017.fr/"><span style="color: blue;">movement ‘La France insoumise’
with its currently 400,000 supporters</span></a>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">With a lot of finesse and nuance, a range of labels were
swiftly attached to the man, ranging from <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/mar/27/jean-luc-melenchon-french-presidential-election-hard-left-candidate"><span style="color: blue;">‘hard-left
rebel</span>’</a> to <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/fe357cf4-40e7-3d41-9178-af8a52083b70"><span style="color: blue;">‘far-left
firebrand’</span></a>, while a small selection of manifesto pledges were selected to
demonstrate that his programme truly is either dangerously unrealistic or
insane. It is therefore time to tackle at least a few <b>misunderstandings</b> (let’s start with three), and to stress
that this presidential election will have repercussions that go far beyond French borders, notably in the case that Mélenchon
manages to win. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So, here we go: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>First</i>, for British observers, Mélenchon undoubtedly is an
oddity. In his long meetings, he alternates between ironic humour, careful
explanation of policy measures and analysis of social problems, and fiery
rhetoric, to end it all with… <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0DlunH5cUPc" style="background-color: white;"><span style="color: blue;">a poem</span></a>. He is
unashamedly intellectual, proud of his knowledge in literature, history and
philosophy, but also combative and folksy. Even though he knows how to coin a
memorable expression (after the disastrous reign of current French president
François
Hollande, who would today disagree with Mélenchon’s description of
Hollande in 2011 as a <a href="http://www.lemonde.fr/election-presidentielle-2012/article/2011/11/12/melenchon-s-en-prend-a-hollande-un-capitaine-de-pedalo-dans-la-tempete_1603045_1471069.html">‘<span style="color: blue;">pedalo
captain in a stormy sea</span>’</a>), he is not someone who will go from one interview
to another parading soundbites that were written by a committee of communication
and PR consultants. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">However, this combination of<b> intellectualism, strong oratory and popular attachment</b> has been a
staple of French politics for centuries, especially on the left, and Mélenchon
hence follows directly in the footsteps of Jean Jaurès, but also to some extent François
Mitterrand or Maximilien Robespierre. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>Secondly</i>, the manifesto of ‘La France insoumise’ (available
as a bestselling book, on an <a href="https://laec.fr/"><span style="color: blue;">online platform</span></a> or
as a <a href="https://avenirencommun.fr/bd/"><span style="color: blue;">comic strip</span></a>; the <a href="https://avenirencommun.fr/lavenir-commun-anglais/"><span style="color: blue;">headline measures</span></a>
have also been translated into English) may contain eye-catching pledges (which
may frighten those who have interiorised the dictum that ‘there is no
alternative’ to the existing order of things), such as a 100 billion Euro
investment programme, a shift to exclusively renewable energy production, an ambitious
re-regulation of labour markets, or exit from NATO, but what makes it
interesting and worth of much more serious attention is its <b>coherence and theoretical grounding</b>. <o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is, first of all, built on an analysis of contemporary
societies’ key problems and opportunities and draws heavily on insights from
critical social sciences, for example regarding the devastating social and
ecological effects of financialised global capitalism, but also the potential
of highly educated networked societies with increasing levels of interdependencies
to cooperate in the name of social progress. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Furthermore, the manifesto incorporates recommendations and
demands of a range of civil society organisations, which helps to explain why it
was widely lauded by the voluntary sector for its consideration of, among
others, <a href="https://www.greenpeace.fr/election-presidentielle-2017-jean-luc-melenchon/"><span style="color: blue;">environmental
concerns</span></a>, <a href="http://www.europe1.fr/politique/sante-publique-et-securite-routiere-melenchon-le-mieux-note-par-des-experts-3291278"><span style="color: blue;">public
health</span></a> and sustainable development (regarding for example the <a href="https://capoupascap.one.org/2017/04/11/jean-luc-melenchon-3eme-sur-la-liste-des-candidats-cap/"><span style="color: blue;">plan
for African countries</span></a>). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Finally, the manifesto is more than a simple collection of
focus-group tested pledges, to appeal to different social groups. Its core proposals
are <b>closely interlinked</b>, so that for
example the reform of the monetary system and the fight against tax avoidance
provide the funds for a substantive public investment programme, which focuses
on the ecological transformation of energy production as well as of the
production and distribution of goods, and which goes hand in hand with a
relocalisation of agriculture and industry. This investment programme, thanks to
its Keynesian multiplier effect, is to stimulate the broader national economy, so that in
combination with an overhaul of the income tax system, measures against
precarity and an expansion of social insurance overall living standards are to
be raised. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">On a different level, the idea of a constitutional assembly to
rewrite the French constitution shall not only serve the purpose of enlarging and protecting individual rights (for example by including the right to abortion and assisted
suicide), and of allowing the multitude of the French population to reconstitute
itself as a political subject across ethnic, religious and class lines. It
would also facilitate the kind of popular engagement that would be essential to implement
such an ambitious programme, which undermines vested interests of all sorts. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>Thirdly</i>, a main pillar of Mélenchon’s manifesto is a
profound <b>reform of the European Union</b>
(EU), notably to change all those directives and treaty obligations that <a href="https://theconversation.com/yes-the-eu-values-businesses-over-people-but-is-britain-any-better-57181"><span style="color: blue;">foster
competition between member states and lead to social dumping</span></a>, that stifle
the ability of states to boost public investment and to protect public services
from liberalisation and privatisation, and that use the EU to impose unfair trade
conditions on emerging and developing economies. Mélenchon's aim is hence not to
destroy the EU or lead France out of it, but to reform the EU thoroughly, in order to maintain the spirit of
collaboration and solidarity that ought to underpin any European project that
seeks to attract wide popular support. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The <b>approach to
achieve such reforms</b> will be familiar to British readers, as it mirrors
David Cameron’s plan to renegotiate EU membership conditions and to then submit
the outcome of these negotiations to the people via referendum. There is no
doubt that Mélenchon
would find it challenging to succeed in such a far-reaching reform of the EU,
but his chances are arguably much better than that of the UK were, not only
because France is a more essential member of the EU and its departure would likely
be the end of the EU (whereas Britain leaving is more like the departure of a
party guest who never took her coat off), but also because France could
galvanise support from those European states that suffer from the economic
imbalances within the EU that arise out of the <a href="http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2016/10/24/the-failure-of-the-euro"><span style="color: blue;">structural
flaws of, in particular, its monetary union</span></a>. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is obvious that the manifesto of ‘La France insoumise’ goes
beyond making small step changes. It is <b>openly
radical</b> on all levels, and herein lie <b>certain
risks</b>: The risk (for its supporters) that voters will at the last minute shy away, influenced by
the <a href="http://www.lefigaro.fr/elections/presidentielles/2017/04/11/35003-20170411ARTFIG00330-jean-luc-melenchon-un-projet-devastateur-pour-la-france.php"><span style="color: blue;">growing
deluge of reports depicting the end of the world</span></a> if Mélenchon
ever were to govern. The risk (for everyone) that organised interests in France and Europe,
the path dependency and complexity of policy-making, and the power imbalances
on the global stage will undermine the possibility to transform the manifesto
into reality. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">But I would argue there is a <b>much bigger risk</b>, one ignored in an irresponsible manner by all
those who seem to be much more critical of Mélenchon than of the far-right candidate
Le Pen: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There are four serious contenders for the French presidency
in 2017. Emmanuel Macron and François Fillon represent <b>‘business as usual’</b>, a continuation of <a href="http://wickedissues.blogspot.co.uk/2015/09/from-tiger-to-doormat-opinion-piece-on.html"><span style="color: blue;">economic
and social policies that have failed for years</span></a> to achieve well-being and
social cohesion, and to tackle global challenges such as climate change or fair
international development; policies that furthermore led to a rise of
right-wing populism, xenophobia and to conflicts within and between
nation-states. Marine Le Pen’s Front National and other far-right parties are a
political expression of this anger and sense of powerlessness, fuelled by a
rising willingness of people to denigrate others because they are ‘different’ –
a political expression that could ultimately tear societies apart.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In 2017, it
seems unlikely that Le Pen can win the French presidency, but if Macron (or
Fillon) were elected and pursued their programme, I would not bet against Le
Pen in 2022. In this case, the relative calm and relief that elites would
express if Macron’s victory is announced on the 7<sup>th</sup> May might be
nothing but the calm before a very dangerous storm. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s candidacy offers a way of
channelling widely held frustration with the status quo into an <b>ambitious progressive and humanist project</b>.
If it were to be successful, it would substantially improve the lives of
millions of French people by creating a more equal, democratic, healthy and ecologically
sustainable society. Given France’s power and influence, this success would echo far
beyond Western Europe. It would be a beacon of hope in an ocean of misery and
chaos. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/enrico-reuter/"><span style="color: blue;">Enrico Reuter</span></a> –
follow me on <a href="https://twitter.com/ReuterEnrico"><span style="color: blue;">Twitter</span></a></span><o:p></o:p></i></div>
The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-70245963853190627312017-03-31T19:49:00.002+01:002017-04-03T12:22:48.589+01:00It’s UC and the MIF, not NICs, we should be focusing on!<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
</div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEju-Au-0lZGoeMtIBOPzjJtWP2W5hgFcrpMtnmbg8L0KCrp5fGux1xvp-x5T6BaKN-9iXTXXFDLunwdUr-Pp5ajwX1jNtmrXacmYnFq1kDteuLLWeUTIYxsMrQJyrrRz02e0NpGRPmeLzg/s1600/Precarious.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="265" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEju-Au-0lZGoeMtIBOPzjJtWP2W5hgFcrpMtnmbg8L0KCrp5fGux1xvp-x5T6BaKN-9iXTXXFDLunwdUr-Pp5ajwX1jNtmrXacmYnFq1kDteuLLWeUTIYxsMrQJyrrRz02e0NpGRPmeLzg/s400/Precarious.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Since the 2008 financial crisis, <b>self-employment as a sector of the British labour market</b> has
increased sharply, and accounts for nearly one third of the growth in
employment figures since 2010. The rate of self-employment now stands at approximately
15% of the labour force, in other words about 4.64 million individuals (BoE,
2015; ONS 2016). Self-employment has “outstripped growth in permanent
employment by 3 to 1 in the last decade” (O’Leary, 2015: 9) and has “accounted
for nearly half of the increase in total employment since the recession”
(Deane, 2016: 7).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is <i>some </i>of this
group (those earning more than £16,250 pa) that were most concerned by the changes
in National Insurance Contributions (NICs) for the self-employed announced by
the Chancellor Phillip Hammond in the <b>2017
Budget</b> in the House of Commons on 8<sup>th</sup> March 2017. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">As a relatively small change in the Budget, the Chancellor
announced that Class 4 NICs for the self-employed would rise from 9% to 10% in
April 2018 – and then to 11% in April 2019 – on income up to the higher rate
threshold of £45,000 pa. The new rates are still lower than for employees who
pay NICs at 12% on the same income levels, while both groups will continue to
pay at 2% on income above the higher rate threshold. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This caused a <b>great
deal of furore</b> in various circles, both in <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2017/mar/09/self-employed-nics-increase-budget">The
Guardian</a> and <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2017/03/08/budget-2017-millions-self-employed-hit-2-per-cent-rise-national/">The
Telegraph</a> amongst others, and not a little traffic on <a href="https://twitter.com/k_j_caraher">my Twitter timeline</a> with a range of
people arguing for this change as well as against. What didn’t make it through
the knee-jerk reactions was that only those of the self-employed earning in
excess of £30,000pa would be worse off – so whilst no one likes paying more, it
was in its own way <a href="https://twitter.com/TorstenBell/status/839482353055576068">progressive</a>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">However, not only did this change to NICs fall foul of the
2015 Conservative Party election manifesto’s commitment to a <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/reality-check/2015/apr/29/general-election-2015-can-the-tory-five-year-tax-lock-work">5
year lock</a> against income tax and NI rises, but combined with the scrutiny
that the Chancellor’s decision was put under, and coupled with the political
capital that is being used by the Prime Minister to push through the
unnecessary and damaging hard Brexit, saw the decision reversed in a <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2017/mar/15/philip-hammond-ditches-national-insurance-rise-for-self-employed">matter
of days</a>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I’d suggest that the <b>focus
of the (social) media-led outrage was misplaced</b>. The real culprit affecting
self-employed persons on low incomes is Universal Credit (UC), and specifically
the Minimum Income Floor (<a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/universal-credit-and-self-employment-quick-guide/universal-credit-and-self-employment-quick-guide">MIF</a>):<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The most pertinent element of UC and <a href="http://wickedissues.blogspot.co.uk/2016/10/go-getters-who-go-get-lunch-vulnerable.html">self-employment
in relation to vulnerability</a> is the MIF, which applies to those who make a
claim for UC and who have been self-employed for a minimum of twelve months. As
the DWP (2016) makes clear, the “<b>MIF is
an</b> <b>assumed level of earnings</b>”,
based on an expectation of what a similarly gainfully employed person might be
expected to earn. </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">An individual’s MIF is calculated on the basis of:</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Age applicable
national minimum wage rate per hour x expected hours per week x 52 weeks =
annual gross income, divided by 12 = gross monthly income<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">For the self-employed <b>to
claim Universal Credit</b>, earnings must be declared to the DWP on a month by
month basis, and if an individual’s earnings exceed their set MIF,
self-employed claimants will receive less UC. However, if they earn less than
their MIF, they will receive no increase in their UC, and in addition the MIF
is only reviewed on an annual basis. Those who are self-employed are liable to
earn less than employees and their income is likely to fluctuate throughout the
year. In evidence given to the<a href="http://www.parliamentlive.tv/Event/Index/7c77dbac-4180-49e2-b791-ba352ef76647">
Work and Pensions Committee on 22/01/17</a>, both Victoria Todd from the <a href="http://www.litrg.org.uk/">Low Income Tax Group</a> and Benedict Dellot
from the<a href="https://www.thersa.org/"> RSA</a> suggested that a relatively
low paid self-employed individual claiming Universal Credit will be worse off
than an employee earning the same amount. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Clearly Universal Credit and the MIF disadvantages those who
are self-employed, and this further increases their <a href="http://wickedissues.blogspot.co.uk/2015/10/so-were-all-vulnerable-now-or-are-some.html"><b>economic
vulnerability</b></a> as a result of a potentially fluctuating income and a social
protection system that clearly fails to take account of this.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So although it is a clear truism that no one likes the idea
of increased NICs, the real problem for the self-employed is Universal Credit
and the Minimum Income Floor. It is this which the public, press and politicians
should be aiming their ire towards. It is this which increases the likelihood
of in-work poverty for those who, we are told, are a clear sign of success for
the UK economy and are in part a driver of recovery both from the 2008 crisis
and the inevitable fallout from Theresa May’s decision to pursue an ultra-hard
Brexit… but that is a topic for another blog on another day.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal">
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/kevin-caraher/">Kevin Caraher</a> –
follow me on <a href="https://twitter.com/k_j_caraher">Twitter</a> <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
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<u><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Sources:<o:p></o:p></span></span></u></div>
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<u><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></u></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Bank Of
England (2015) Self-employment: what can we learn from recent developments?,
Quarterly Bulletin 2015 Q1, <a href="http://www.bankofengland.co.uk/publications/Documents/quarterlybulletin/2015/q105.pdf">http://www.bankofengland.co.uk/publications/Documents/quarterlybulletin/2015/q105.pdf</a><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Deane, J.
(2015) Self Employment Review: An independent report, <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/505561/ind-16-2-self-employment-review.pdf">https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/505561/ind-16-2-self-employment-review.pdf</a><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Department
for Work & Pensions (2016), ‘Universal Credit and self-employment’, <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/universal-credit-and-self-employment-quick-guide/universal-credit-and-self-employment-quick-guide">https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/universal-credit-and-self-employment-quick-guide/universal-credit-and-self-employment-quick-guide</a><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">O’Leary, D.
(2014) ‘Going it alone’, <a href="http://www.demos.co.uk/files/DEMOS_GoingitAlone_web.pdf?1409503024">http://www.demos.co.uk/files/DEMOS_GoingitAlone_web.pdf?1409503024</a><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">ONS (2016).
UK Labour Market: April 2016: Estimates of employment, unemployment, economic
inactivity and other employment related statistics for the UK, <a href="https://www.ons.gov.uk/employmentandlabourmarket/peopleinwork/employmentandemployeetypes/bulletins/uklabourmarket/april2016#employment">https://www.ons.gov.uk/employmentandlabourmarket/peopleinwork/employmentandemployeetypes/bulletins/uklabourmarket/april2016#employment</a><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-16002876186365176412016-12-20T12:20:00.001+00:002017-06-21T15:50:35.806+01:00Effective online learning: what have we learned?<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjq-t54QIBT_Fj8XWLSpN61UqM3WM0C1uZfOe-wFYesUXaFhxtUPndiR2qvSI3mKVHeZ7vYe-rhmfT_ZA6TzDmEnGthHT28C7qpsFUCTIgdBvpvpCHINXBHcsGfK8nEzJzc9kfAC_rmw7I/s1600/online+learning_hand.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="300" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjq-t54QIBT_Fj8XWLSpN61UqM3WM0C1uZfOe-wFYesUXaFhxtUPndiR2qvSI3mKVHeZ7vYe-rhmfT_ZA6TzDmEnGthHT28C7qpsFUCTIgdBvpvpCHINXBHcsGfK8nEzJzc9kfAC_rmw7I/s400/online+learning_hand.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Here in the <a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/"><span style="color: blue;">Department
of Social Policy and Social Work</span></a> at the University of York we have been
developing and delivering wholly online postgraduate programmes of study for
public service practitioners since 2003.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">As demand for online learning grows, and with many
institutions now embarking on offering study choices of this kind, it may be a
good moment to reflect on what we have learned about delivering an effective online
programme, from the student’s point of view.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Based on our experience and on wider research, the following
factors appear to be of key importance:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Programme design that
balances flexibility with structure<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">For many people the flexibility that online study offers is
one of the major reasons for embarking on this mode of study. Our experience
suggests, however, that this flexibility needs to be balanced with an explicit
structure which provides participants with a clear route-map, both in respect
of their programme as a whole and their week by week activity. Our students are
all in demanding roles in the workplace, and so it is very important that there
is a policy of ‘no surprises’, and that activities, deadlines and expectations
are all clear. A mix of structure, clarity and flexibility enables students to
plot a way forward to a successful conclusion. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Flexibility is also important in terms of modes of
communication. Students can choose to contact their tutor and personal
supervisor by email, phone or Skype – according to their preferred style and
what they wish to discuss, so that they get the most from the encounter. The
weekly tutor-led group discussions are conducted ‘a-synchronously’, which means
that students never have to be online at the same time as each other.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A sense of community<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">When students are studying at a distance, often in
widely-dispersed locations, it’s important that their studies are designed to
enable and embed a sense of community. Research suggests that this brings three
key benefits, from the student’s point of view: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<ul style="margin-top: 0cm;" type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">First, many of our
students are looking for opportunities, through their studies, to share
and compare experiences with other practitioners who are working in
different contexts but with similar public service motivations. It’s
therefore very important that opportunities for interaction and mutual
learning are built in throughout the programme. As one of our alumni put
it: “<span style="background: white; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">I
expected that my study time would be rather solitary. In actual fact, the
weekly online discussions gave a great deal of staff-student and
student-student interaction. A great benefit of the course was that many
of the students were mid-career people from around the world and were able
to draw on a wide range of experience in topic discussions. It was a
privilege to hear their experiences being shared in a confidential and
supportive environment.”</span><o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Secondly, research
suggests that this kind of mutual learning and enquiry fosters deeper
learning, as it helps students to acquire a more rounded and advanced understanding
of complex topics. <o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Thirdly, a sense of community
also provides for social cohesion and helps to sustain motivation. Distance
learning requires considerable commitment, especially when it is being
undertaken concurrently with a demanding professional role, and so the
importance of this social ‘glue’ can’t be overstated.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
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<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></b>
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Tutor ‘presence’<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The role of the tutor is closely linked to the previous
factor, as <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/bjet.12302/pdf"><span style="color: blue;">research repeatedly demonstrates</span></a> the important
role in online learning of tutor ‘presence’, and the impact that this has on developing
trust, enabling learning and sustaining the all-important sense of community. In
practice, and as demonstrated in our own <a href="http://www.igi-global.com/chapter/behave-yourself/103589"><span style="color: windowtext;"><span style="color: blue;">research</span>,</span></a> ‘tutor presence’ means that
tutors are available and present within the virtual learning environment; that
they actively lead and facilitate the learning process; that they support
individual learners and the group as a whole; and that they are responsive and
‘visible’. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It’s been observed that online tutors act as teachers,
designers and counsellors, and our experience bears this out.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Joined up
communication<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Both of the previous factors involve effective
communication, and this comes to the fore in this next factor, which concerns a
holistic approach to managing communication with students and building
relationships with them. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Typically, organisational structures in universities often separate
the ‘academic’ from the ‘administrative’, but our experience has been that a
holistic approach is needed, with the student and their experience at the
centre. In practice, this means using a team-based approach, so that plans can
be drawn up and information shared between all those who are involved in the
delivery of the programme. This approach also ensures that processes are well
thought out from the student’s point of view. Handled this way, administrative
staff also become an important part of building and maintaining relationships
with students. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Communications also need to be ‘joined up’ with the
university more widely, so that university-level services, be they careers or
welfare-related, are all accessible and meaningful for online students. At
York, we have recently established an <a href="https://www.york.ac.uk/colleges/wentworth/wentworth-online/"><span style="color: blue;">online
college</span></a> where students can connect and learn about all the support
available from the University for their studies and beyond, into life after
graduation. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Invisible technology<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It’s important from the student’s point of view that the
technology which supports the programme is accessible, easy to use and
intuitive. It also needs to be designed with the needs of the students in mind.
In our case, that means ensuring that the virtual learning environment, and all
the material in it, can be readily accessed even by students in very remote
locations. Above all though, the technology should be ‘invisible’; while it’s a
key enabler, it isn’t an end in itself, and should quickly become so taken for
granted that students don’t have to think about it.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Making the most of
the benefits of online learning<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Finally, designing effective online learning involves
recognising the distinctive advantages that this mode of study brings, and
making the most of them:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 13.5pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b>Collaborative learning</b>. One key advantage is the opportunity that
online study brings for collaborative learning within an international network
of peers. This underlines the importance of building in the kind of mutual
enquiry and learning mentioned above, and this again points to the central
theme of ‘community’. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b>Reflection and ongoing debate. </b>The fact that discussion takes place
through a-synchronous, week-long discussion forums means that there are much
greater opportunities for reflection and ongoing debate than in real-time
classrooms which prioritise immediate responses. This emphasis on reflection
and debate is very appropriate and useful for the professional development
objectives that most online programmes share. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 13.5pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b>Simultaneous immersion in study and work</b>. This mode of study also
brings a benefit that has perhaps been less well-recognised in the discourse
about online learning: the opportunity for simultaneous and ongoing immersion
in study and work. Unlike courses that take place at a distance from the
workplace, in terms of both location and time, online study joins the two, and
so learning and insights can be immediately applied. <a href="https://www.york.ac.uk/media/spsw/images/books/SBile14may2015.pdf"><span style="color: blue;">Our research</span></a> into the ‘simultaneous
immersion’ that online study makes possible identifies clear benefits for
professional development which go well beyond the actual period of study.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This final point indicates a common factor across all of
those noted above: the importance of
thinking programme design through from the perspective of the student. In terms
of content, tutoring, learning outcomes and communications, the students’ needs
should drive the programme design. <o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/ellen-roberts/">Ellen Roberts</a> - Director of the Online MA programmes in Public Policy and Management</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b>For more information about our programmes, or to enquire
about applying for entry in September 2017, please see our web pages <a href="https://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/postgraduate/onlinestudy/"><span style="color: windowtext;"><span style="color: blue;">here</span>,</span></a> or contact <a href="mailto:spsw-online@york.ac.uk"><span style="color: blue;">spsw-online@york.ac.uk</span></a></b> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-15377164127578228182016-11-21T17:18:00.000+00:002016-11-21T17:18:01.556+00:00Brexit – ‘crafting strategy’ instead of rigidity or chaos<div class="MsoNormal">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiHjNpijCx4tOggeXjMsPa3YnDQ1LM6tFVufZXSr5QpzngwDDry0XF2-QN4qjaZv0o0mI0RufPKinQchfT9muOtQ8c7DPut8Hynbzmzy4c-iccswaQ_wIGAjl_YIcMijxX40gBmaKwaJBQ/s1600/Blog+-+image_Brexit+3.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="172" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiHjNpijCx4tOggeXjMsPa3YnDQ1LM6tFVufZXSr5QpzngwDDry0XF2-QN4qjaZv0o0mI0RufPKinQchfT9muOtQ8c7DPut8Hynbzmzy4c-iccswaQ_wIGAjl_YIcMijxX40gBmaKwaJBQ/s400/Blog+-+image_Brexit+3.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Concern is mounting both in the UK and in Europe about what
seems to be a <b>lack of clarity</b>
concerning the UK’s plans for leaving the European Union (EU). This concern is
well illustrated by the Italian Economics Minister, who commented recently that:
“Somebody needs to tell us something, and it needs to be something that makes
sense”. The Confederation of British Industry has also now joined in calls for
the government to put forward a clear plan, in order to avoid <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/business/2016/nov/20/cbi-brexit-lengthy-transition-period">“further
crippling uncertainty”.</a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The government has insisted that a <b>coherent approach</b> is being devised, but that details cannot be
shared in advance of the negotiations. Yet some senior officials have indicated
that there isn’t yet a clear plan, and this seems to be backed up by a leaked
report, albeit disowned by the government, which indicates that <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/nov/15/whitehall-struggling-to-cope-with-scale-of-work-arising-from-brexit-vote">Whitehall
is struggling to cope</a>, that there are splits between Ministers and that
large numbers of additional civil servants need to be drafted in.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There are of course a number of <b>valid reasons for the government to be wary about sharing a plan</b>:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin-left: 38.05pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">·<span style="font-stretch: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span>First, the breadth and scope of the issues, and
the sheer volume of intricate detail involved, indicates that a period of
careful analysis is certainly needed. There are sound arguments for taking good
time over this initial analysis stage, although some might argue that five
months has already provided a reasonable initial window. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 38.05pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">·<span style="font-stretch: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span>Secondly, it could be argued that the government
should be careful not to show its hand within the EU in advance of the start of
formal negotiations, so as not to weaken its position. This stance is itself
weakened though by the extent to which initial pronouncements by the Prime
Minister, about the importance of prioritising immigration control, are now
shaping the positions that are being taken vis-à</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; text-indent: -18pt;">-vis Brexit from within the EU.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin-left: 38.05pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">·<span style="font-stretch: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span>A third, and potentially weighty, reason for the
government to be cautious about setting out its stall is that the Prime
Minister will know that any indications of the government’s formal position is
open to political attack internally, not least from within her own party, which
has been described as a <a href="http://uk.businessinsider.com/conservative-conference-brexit-article-50-birmingham-2016-9">ticking
time bomb</a> in relation to Brexit. Continuing reports of splits on the
strategy for Brexit between key Ministers underline the scope for internal
political turmoil. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin-left: 38.05pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So, on the face of it there are plausible justifications,
linked to careful analysis, negotiating tactics and internal political
pressures, for the government to be wary about showing its hand. However, it is
possible that the current situation is in <b>danger
of delivering the worst of all worlds</b>. On the one hand, there is a
deliberate refusal to set out a ‘plan’, which is being presented as a
negotiating tactic and yet is leading to claims about uncertainty and
confusion. On the other hand, the government <i>has</i> in fact indicated some sticking points – such as the absolute
necessity of being able to limit free movement – which are setting off a chain
of comments and reactions within the EU and so possibly limiting the
government’s room for manoeuvre.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Since the words ‘strategy’ and ‘plan’ are being so
frequently used in connection with Brexit, what insights does theory about <b>strategic planning and management in the
public domain</b> provide for interpreting this confusing situation?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Informed by work on complexity theory, <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14719030802002741?needAccess=true">current
thinking in this field</a> highlights the benefits of an <b>‘emergent’ approach to strategic management</b>. Within this
perspective, carefully prescribed, formal plans that commit organisations and
governments some way into the future are increasingly being seen as too rigid
and inflexible for an environment of uncertainty and change. This type of
thinking points to a more ’emergent’ style of planning in which flexibility,
responsiveness and improvisation are the order of the day. Recent statements by
the Prime Minster seem to take this tack, suggesting for example that the UK
needs to <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/nov/14/uk-must-become-global-leader-in-free-trade-theresa-may-brexit-vote-donald-trump-election">“adapt
to the moment and evolve its thinking</a>”, in response to anti-globalisation
and protectionist rhetoric from the US President-elect Trump. Indeed, some in
the government may be hoping that the seismic-scale discontinuity caused by
Trump’s election may create openings for negotiation in Europe that weren’t
there before. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Recent thinking about strategic planning also suggests,
though, that a <b><i>wholly</i> emergent approach is highly risky</b>: without a sense of
overall direction, it is all too easy for clarity to be replaced by confusion
and a lack of coordination.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_GoBack"></a> As Rose and Cray (2010, p.
456) put it, in their exploration of strategy formulation in the public domain,
“the lack of a shared plan can give rise to confusion, wasted resources and
internal conflicts” – all of which seem to be clear risks in the current
situation. They point to the value of a two-part, ‘hybrid’ process, in which a
strategic framework sets out parameters and goals, articulated in sufficient
detail to provide a guide for action, whilst retaining flexibility to respond
to the changing environment. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Achieving this balance between clarity and flexibility is of
course a hugely demanding and quite subtle task, calling for attention to the <b>process of <a href="https://hbr.org/1987/07/crafting-strategy">crafting strategy</a> as a
skill in its own right</b>. Alongside all the current demands for ‘hard’ skills
in Whitehall in areas such as trade negotiations, it is just as important that
this ‘meta-skill’ gets the attention that it deserves. As the <a href="http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/news/latest/when-it-comes-brexit-silence-not-strategy">Institute
for Government</a> put it back in September, “when it comes to Brexit, silence
is not a strategy”.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<o:p><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/ellen-roberts/">Ellen Roberts</a> –
follow me on <a href="https://twitter.com/YorkEllen">Twitter</a><o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">Rose, W. and Cray, D. (2010)
‘Public-sector strategy formulation’, <i>Canadian Public Administration</i>,
Vol. 53, No. 4, pp.453-466.</span></span><span style="font-size: 9.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-17118541814051590722016-10-14T13:38:00.000+01:002016-10-14T17:17:11.160+01:00‘Go getters’ who go get lunch – Vulnerable self-employment and social policy<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgarltQP3nrUAmPxW3dMNRZ6Bp320omHdUtH4F3PyeGnZdtO0tYdY5ZT0TCXsp5SP8-L_O9xZGGbzUqQdFBZ4QKw1zyuEK4Pu98yukPoAw79iseqCtx8wmQqX8-zw3IdnhHxltKrg4zWpA/s1600/Precarious.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="265" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgarltQP3nrUAmPxW3dMNRZ6Bp320omHdUtH4F3PyeGnZdtO0tYdY5ZT0TCXsp5SP8-L_O9xZGGbzUqQdFBZ4QKw1zyuEK4Pu98yukPoAw79iseqCtx8wmQqX8-zw3IdnhHxltKrg4zWpA/s400/Precarious.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The ‘<a href="http://www.cnbc.com/2016/10/13/gig-economy-is-growing-heres-how-much.html">gig
economy</a>’, ‘<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uberisation">uberisation</a>’,
<a href="https://www.ft.com/content/182d1bae-a438-11e5-873f-68411a84f346">’portfolio
careers</a>’ – these are just three of the buzzwords or phrases that are used
to capture a <b>profound change in how people work</b>, build a career (or: develop a
profession, for those who baulk at the idea of having ‘a career’), develop a
sense of self and personal identity, and gain the income to buy all the goods
and services on which depends and appears to depend a good living standard. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Despite all
differences between these and other labels, they share the assumption that the
<b>traditional form of employment</b>, encapsulated in the idea of a long working life
in the profession for which one was educated and trained, with a comfortable retirement
as final phase, is bound to become a rarity, both longed for by some thanks to
the stability it offers, and dreaded by others because of the ‘iron cage’ of a
narrow, predetermined path through life it represents. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It matters little
in this context that this ‘traditional form of employment’ (that has had its
undeniable shortcomings and that should not be glorified too much as part of a
general nostalgia for the so-called ‘golden age’ of the three post-war decades)
is a very young invention, strongly tied to the model of industrial and
post-industrial welfare capitalism that dominated the second half of the 20<sup>th</sup>
century; an invention that therefore not surprisingly <b>runs out of steam</b> at
precisely the moment when, on the one hand, the post-war approach to social
protection is more and more undermined and questioned, while on the other hand
the sustainability of a globalised capitalist order appears as increasingly
doubtful, not only because of the enormous social and environmental damages it
causes but also because it fails to produce the gains for the many on which its
legitimacy is built. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In this
particular setting, enter the idealised personality type of our current period:
the <a href="https://uk.sagepub.com/en-gb/eur/the-entrepreneurial-self/book242746">‘<b>entrepreneurial
self</b>’</a> (Bröckling, 2016), the person who understands that to have a ‘good
life’, it takes continued individual efforts, constant mobilisation, personal investment
and high flexibility, in order to deal with all the challenges and to seek all
the opportunities that life offers. In other words, a person who relies
primarily on themselves to succeed, ignoring the core insight from any
introductory sociology course that humans are intrinsically social beings that
are defined by their surroundings, and thrive most within a collective. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">While this
ideal serves as beacon and goal for everyone, its demands are particularly
challenging for an increasing share of the working population: To juggle
different (more or less paid) jobs and projects and hence manage a ‘portfolio
career’, to be presentable and attractive to new clients in the ‘gig economy’,
and to secure a decent income from ‘uberised’ jobs, in other words jobs that
have none of the protections that ‘traditional’ full-time employment offered
and still offers, being highly active in such an individualised sense is a core
requirement. It no longer suffices to sell one’s labour force and to be
competent, it now is essential to sell one’s entire personality, to show
prospective buyers not just professional skills but also the right attitude of
a proper ‘go getter’ – even if one just goes to get someone their lunch by
driving around on a bike through a polluted city. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Legally,
many of these ‘new’ jobs (that could also be called ‘old’ jobs, harking back to
the times of day labour) fall into the realm of <b>self-employment</b>, even though
this categorisation can be and is contested, like in the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/law/2016/jul/25/deliveroo-workers-contracts-ban-access-to-employment-tribunals">case
of Deliveroo</a>, purveyor of a fashionable form of ‘meals on wheels’ for the
busy urbanite. Being self-employed conveys a sense of autonomy, but also the
risk of self-exploitation and weak or non-existent social protection or
benefits, such as sick pay or paid leave. In the context of a <a href="http://webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/20160105160709/http:/www.ons.gov.uk/ons/rel/lmac/self-employed-workers-in-the-uk/2014/rep-self-employed-workers-in-the-uk-2014.html">steep
rise in self-employment in the UK over the last years</a>, we can observe an <a href="http://www.resolutionfoundation.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/Just-the-job-or-a-working-compromise-FINAL.pdf">increased
share of those who either just get by</a> (as indicated by the median income
having fallen much steeper for the self-employed than for employees) or are <a href="https://www.citizensadvice.org.uk/about-us/how-citizens-advice-works/media/press-releases/bogus-self-employment-costing-millions-to-workers-and-government/">bogusly
self-employed</a> (because they have only one client, often their former
employer who found a neat way of liberating themselves from any responsibility
of the employee’s or worker’s well-being and the reproduction of their labour
force). It is these self-employed, who are living under precarious material
conditions while being asked to take full personal responsibility for their
fate, that my colleague <a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/kevin-caraher/">Kevin Caraher</a> and I
have defined as <a href="http://wickedissues.blogspot.co.uk/2015/10/so-were-all-vulnerable-now-or-are-some.html">most
vulnerable</a>. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">But beyond
the personal circumstances of the <b>vulnerable self-employed</b>, one essential
question emerges: Given that all markets are inevitably social constructs,
developing out of legal, cultural and political arrangements, and considering
that the labour market is one of the most complex and hence most heavily
regulated markets, what is the <b>role of social policy</b> in determining the
contours of the outlined employment context? What kind of support is provided
to the vulnerable self-employed, and to what extent do welfare agencies
encourage or even push unemployed persons into self-employment, either by
providing incentives or by creating a punitive environment (as it is so powerfully
depicted in the latest masterpiece by <a href="https://twitter.com/kenloachsixteen">Ken Loach</a> ‘I, Daniel Blake’) from which the status of self-employment is seen as a viable escape route. In short,
how is self-employment structured by social policy interventions and how do
these interact with economic changes? <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A vast
research agenda, but one worth pursuing, as it will help to shed light not only
onto the <b>‘nature’ of work</b> in the 21<sup>st</sup> century, but also onto how
<b>state power</b> is used to protect, support and emancipate as well as to
discipline, guide an</span></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt;">d penalise individuals.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: medium;"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 14.2667px;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/enrico-reuter/">Enrico Reuter</a> – follow me on Twitter <a href="https://twitter.com/ReuterEnrico">@ReuterEnrico</a></span></span></i></span></span><br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: medium;"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 14.2667px;"><br /></span></i></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 9.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Broeckling, U.
(2016). The Entrepreneurial Self: Fabricating a New Type of Subject. London:
Sage.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<br />The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-7161415893671317842016-07-05T18:13:00.002+01:002016-07-05T18:13:40.106+01:00Implementing Brexit: Challenges for the Civil Service<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi8umv-rByaMOCnbn144DdZXV4ua0Ill2pb3TRERUIa1-9AKbJr97vvDLgx4l8xR3sIn-wCwzPcya23IZFfnCtkk31mswqGIXkmt2Ie5552V3MQuhQ2blmvvwpTR5jdJ-tOruw7HffvMks/s1600/knotted+rope.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="266" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi8umv-rByaMOCnbn144DdZXV4ua0Ill2pb3TRERUIa1-9AKbJr97vvDLgx4l8xR3sIn-wCwzPcya23IZFfnCtkk31mswqGIXkmt2Ie5552V3MQuhQ2blmvvwpTR5jdJ-tOruw7HffvMks/s400/knotted+rope.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">In these early weeks after the UK’s ‘Brexit’ decision, most
of the attention has understandably been focused on the chaotically unfolding
political scene. Beneath these swirling mists, however, discussions are
beginning to surface about the role and importance of the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2016/jun/28/brexit-turmoil-civil-servants-eu-referendum">civil
service</a> in implementing this historic decision. This huge task – of working
out how this agenda is going to be implemented and then putting in place the
means to achieve it – has been made even more intriguing and urgent by the fact that the civil service was
apparently <a href="https://www.civilserviceworld.com/articles/news/oliver-letwin-head-civil-service-brexit-unit-%E2%80%93-experts-question-contingency-planning">expressly
instructed <i>not </i>to embark on
contingency planning</a> to prepare for the outcome of the referendum. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Against this turbulent background it will be vital that the
next steps are <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/public-leaders-network/2016/jun/27/referendum-campaign-evidence-spending-public-finances">“clear,
honest and considered”</a> as Rob Whiteman, Chief Executive of the Chartered
Institute of Public Finance and Accountancy, has noted.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">What, then, are the key challenges that the civil service
will face?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">First, there is the <b>structural</b>
issue of working out who will do this work, and in what relationship with the
rest of the government machinery. A new central unit, located in the Cabinet
Office, is now established to lead the work involved in withdrawal, but
questions to consider here will include to what extent this unit will be
undertaking some of the heavy lifting itself, or undertaking more of a
coordinating role across departments. This will in turn help to shape where resources
are targeted. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Secondly, there will be an issue of ensuring that the
necessary <b>skills </b>are in place, and
particularly with respect to negotiation and contract management skills. There
is a long-standing concern, voiced by the <a href="https://www.nao.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/Cabinet-office-cross-government-transforming-governments-contract-management.pdf">NAO</a>
(2014) among others, about the extent to which Whitehall is equipped in this
respect. As the former Permanent Secretary at the Foreign and Commonwealth
Office put it very recently in the context of Brexit: <span style="background: white;">"I doubt
there are more than between a dozen and 20 serving British officials who have
real experience of trade negotiations."</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="background: white;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Alongside these issues of structures and skills, though, <b>ways of working</b> are likely to be just
as important. As Melanie Dawes, Permanent Secretary at the Department for
Communities and Local Government, pointed out at a recent Institute for
Government seminar about the implications of Brexit for Whitehall, we now need
a collective approach in which resources and skills are shared across
departments. Yet the history of Whitehall demonstrates the strength of the pull
in precisely the opposite direction, with the culture of departmental competition
for resources firmly embedded in the DNA.
Now is the time to make a collaborative approach a reality, however hard
that may be. Lessons about <a href="http://www.socia.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/s04_roadmap_and_measurement_compass.pdf">collaborative
partnership working</a> seem useful here, including the importance of setting a
framework for the management of governance, for performance measurement, for
escalation and for communication.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Then there are the <b>leadership</b>
skills to drive this work forward. Political leadership will of course be
fundamental. For leaders within Whitehall, though, there will also be a host of
challenges. One such will be how to manage priorities. Civil service staffing
is currently at its lowest level since the Second World War, with a reduction
of 15% since 2010, and yet it will now be necessary, somehow, to take forward
this huge programme of change while at the same time not losing sight of other
domestic priorities. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Another fundamental challenge for the leadership in
Whitehall will be working out a way to take these changes forward while the
overall <b>sense of direction</b> is still
emerging. The mission is clear (Brexit) , but the sense of direction – exactly
what form of change we are working towards and what shape it will take on – is
still opaque, and there are some big questions to tackle. For example, as
powers and resources are handed back by Brussels, how far will they feed into greater
devolution, or to increased centralisation? There are opportunities for the
former certainly, harnessed to the important work that is needed to rebuild
trust within local communities. Taking devolution further forward will however
require considerable input from the civil service, at a time when they have
their hands extremely full on other fronts. Fashioning a way forward while the
big picture slowly unfolds is likely to call for particularly sensitive and
finely-judged leadership. In an emergent situation of this kind, a
collaborative style of working is likely to be particular relevant. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Two of the most successful teams in the early stages of the
European Cup – Iceland and Wales – voiced strikingly similar and simple views
about the ‘recipe’ for their success: have a plan and be a team. Both of these
messages seem highly relevant to the current post-Referendum situation, and
should be taken very much to heart in Whitehall. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<i><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/ellen-roberts/">Ellen Roberts</a> - follow me <a href="https://twitter.com/yorkellen">on Twitter</a> <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<br />
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The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com4tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-10497512712366802702016-05-23T12:20:00.000+01:002016-06-21T17:08:05.078+01:00How the British political elite has done the groundwork for Brexit <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj0OP3T_85QnBv_pM5oh9rlauF0_lz9DEIuRqvBi55A4CbVHGD72FaEDVUFTllwlIAYV5_QZLKdViSQz8tgf50Ol-9flPRfgvddW4bRkB715X3e7akAcltH4ARt1nSy2fogE89XcFO41Kc/s1600/EU+commission.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="300" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj0OP3T_85QnBv_pM5oh9rlauF0_lz9DEIuRqvBi55A4CbVHGD72FaEDVUFTllwlIAYV5_QZLKdViSQz8tgf50Ol-9flPRfgvddW4bRkB715X3e7akAcltH4ARt1nSy2fogE89XcFO41Kc/s400/EU+commission.JPG" width="400" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In one month from now, on <b>23<sup>rd</sup> June</b>, the British
electorate (or rather those who are registered as voters and can be bothered to
cast a ballot) will decide on the future of the United Kingdom (UK) either
inside or outside of the European Union (EU). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">While the referendum campaign has heated up considerably
over the last few weeks, including the inevitable references to <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-eu-referendum-36295208">Hitler</a>
and <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/may/11/boris-johnson-launches-the-vote-leave-battlebus-in-cornwall">bendy
bananas</a>, and the media’s eyes are turned towards the <a href="http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/10fe75d6-1859-11e6-bb7d-ee563a5a1cc1.html#axzz49TVqh3BU">divisions
of the Conservative Party</a>, there is no clear indication as to what the
likely outcome is, at least not if we trust in <b>polls</b>. Despite some variation,
the <a href="http://whatukthinks.org/eu/opinion-polls/poll-of-polls/">‘poll of
polls’</a> that captures the average of all surveys has for a long time hovered
around an even 50/50 split between ‘remain’ and ‘leave’ – which is further
proof that opinion polls can be as insightful as asking Auntie Agatha or Uncle
Albert. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">With often polemical debates running high, and everyone
expressing their opinions, I think it is not too preposterous to add my own views
as a long-term resident of the UK and one of those pesky immigrants who have
come to this beautiful country. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">If Britain chose to leave the EU, it would be fair to say
that this is the outcome of the long-term relationship that <b>British political and economic elites</b> have had with the project of European integration. In other words, many
of those who now argue for ‘remain’ would be at least indirectly responsible
for a success of ‘leave’. Here is why, in four steps:</span></div>
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<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; text-indent: -18pt;"> </span><span style="text-indent: -18pt;">The vote to withdraw from the EU has multiple
drivers and is inspired by different, sometimes opposing political views, but
it seems reasonable to say that it was primarily high levels of net </span><a href="https://www.opendemocracy.net/brexitdivisions/damian-green/migration-border-security-and-eu-referendum" style="text-indent: -18pt;"><b>immigration</b></a><span style="text-indent: -18pt;">,
notably from Eastern European countries after 2004, that have fuelled the anger
and frustration of substantive shares of the population towards the EU.</span></span></li>
<li><span style="text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">At the same time, over the course of the last
years, it has become clear even to the most naïve that economic globalisation,
free trade and the financialisation of the world economy, linked to weakened
welfare states and <b>ever more competition </b>between states, industries,
organisations and individuals, produces a great deal of despair, tension and
unrest. With centre-left and centre-right governments equally unwilling and
incapable of addressing these issues head-on, it is not surprising that the
public support to all representatives of what is seen as the establishment runs
low – to put it mildly.</span></span></li>
<li><span style="text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Both factors, immigration and the dark
underbelly of a globalised world, are well aligned to the <b>long-term preferences
</b>of British political elites regarding the EU. Always a strong proponent of an
EU that is as large and at the same time as little integrated as possible, the
UK was one of the most vocal advocates of admitting Eastern and Central
European countries as quickly as possible – and together with Sweden the only
EU member state that in 2004 didn’t impose any transitory labour market
restrictions on citizens from these states. While the historical responsibility
of uniting Europe should not be understated, there is no reason to assume that
a slower process, involving an institutionalised partnership between East and
West beyond the EU (as it was proposed among others by the French President
Mitterrand after the German unification), would have been impossible.</span></span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="text-indent: -18pt;">When it comes to the negative impact of
‘globalisation’ (to use this as a shorthand for more complex problems), the
<b>hopes of the centre-left</b> to turn the EU into some sort of bulwark against the
most damaging forms of economic competition while developing a common framework
for addressing humanity’s challenges such as climate change or global
insecurity, have been crushed, often by the same parties of the centre-left
whose ideology consisted of delivering neoliberal policies with a ‘human face’
– an aim that was so largely missed that </span><a href="http://wickedissues.blogspot.co.uk/2015/09/from-tiger-to-doormat-opinion-piece-on.html" style="text-indent: -18pt;">social-democratic
parties across Europe</a><span style="text-indent: -18pt;"> have become an almost negligible force.</span></span></li>
</ol>
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<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">To summarise, the orientation of
British politics in the last two decades has laid the groundwork for the UK
leaving the EU becoming a serious possibility. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This is not to imply that the UK
alone is to be blamed for the woes of Europe, given that other countries have
been on the same page. <b>Germany</b> for example shares Britain’s basic views, mainly
because it has managed so well to turn Eastern Europe into its own backyard
factory, with low paid workers assembling goods for export on which German
companies only need to put the sticker ‘Made in Germany’. That Britain has
proceeded differently by mainly importing the labour force, is hardly more than
a variation on the same theme. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This does also <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/may/16/brexit-eu-referendum-boris-johnson-greece-tory">not
imply that a better integrated EU would be an intrinsically benign project</a>.
The recent treatment of Greece and Malta, the obvious lack of democratic
accountability, and the one-sided orientation of its economic policy towards
ever more competition, as exemplified by the <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Y4OQeekSD6s">TTIP negotiations</a>, have
shown that the EU is in need of <b>profound reform</b> (if it is not long too late for
this, as it increasingly appears) – reforms that may have to be negotiated
without input from the UK, within an EU under shock from losing one of its key
members. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<i style="text-indent: 18pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/enrico-reuter/">Enrico Reuter</a> - follow me on Twitter: <a href="https://twitter.com/ReuterEnrico">@ReuterEnrico</a></span></i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> </span></div>
The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-83449889766390624772016-04-25T09:30:00.000+01:002016-06-21T17:07:44.981+01:00They come and go… and come back: Theoretical concepts in social policy research, and why they matter<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhs72Z0vkYSKBOY0unCRGRgsWnkVlTtt3PpYb-z94mlVhC3CirFwKbc9ZGaxFa_Bv4PCXWrBuLhoN3zPelMevnnWew2tQaUA6254Fzu-NqukOQYyQGgqbtLTra54zwERUcEGe0_1aaEY8w/s1600/blog_debates.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="225" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhs72Z0vkYSKBOY0unCRGRgsWnkVlTtt3PpYb-z94mlVhC3CirFwKbc9ZGaxFa_Bv4PCXWrBuLhoN3zPelMevnnWew2tQaUA6254Fzu-NqukOQYyQGgqbtLTra54zwERUcEGe0_1aaEY8w/s400/blog_debates.JPG" width="400" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Social policy research, much as the wider discipline of
social sciences, is characterised by the ebb and flow of theoretical concepts,
which fluctuate in popularity, can disappear and later reappear (perhaps in
slightly different shape), or emerge as fresh new ways of reflecting upon and
making sense of our complex social world. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Whether it is old classics such as ‘poverty’ and
‘inequality’, or more recent manifestations such as ‘social exclusion’ or
‘vulnerability’, two features appear to be universal: On the one hand, there is
usually a tension, if not outright conflict, between academic
conceptualisations and the way in which political activists or policy-makers
use such terms. On the other, there can be lively debates within the research
community itself as to which concepts (and which interpretation of any given
concept) are the most appropriate and useful to analyse social phenomena. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">When I was working on <a href="http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:hbz:6-71309404832">my PhD</a> a few
years ago, investigating social policies against exclusion, I was often struck
by the extent to which theoretical work that I considered to be deeply
insightful and intelligent was simplified, distorted and twisted by
politicians, leaving behind little more than some empty shells of rhetoric. At
the same time, it was fascinating to observe that controversies were running
high within academic circles, to discuss the merits and demerits of ‘social
exclusion’ as a theoretical concept. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Having had the fortune of reading my fair share
of Pierre Bourdieu during my own studies, this was of course not surprising,
given that the academic world represents one of the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Field_(Bourdieu)">‘fields’</a> he had written
about, with their struggles for symbolic capital and reputation as well as the
need to be both on the inside, by playing according to the rules, and to find
one’s own niche. In more recent times, <a href="http://wickedissues.blogspot.co.uk/2015/10/so-were-all-vulnerable-now-or-are-some.html">ongoing
research on vulnerability</a>, together with my colleague <a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/kevin-caraher/">Kevin Caraher</a>, has
led to similar observations… <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">These controversies, be it within academia or in the wider realm
of politics are, however, not only inevitable in an open society, but also
highly beneficial. At the risk of stating the obvious, it is these debates that
help to push forward the boundaries of knowledge and that challenge us intellectually
– and hence lead ideally to progress. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And they also help to engage critically
with policy-making by, for example, highlighting the shortcomings or biases of
social policy programmes, and by being able to understand which approaches
could work better. Moreover, such controversial discussions sharpen the tools
for critical reflection – something essential in any democratic society to
avoid the dullness and narrow-mindedness of a ‘there is no alternative
consensus’ and to foster lively debates and peaceful ways of expressing
conflicting views. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Finally, it is these ‘controversies’ as well as keeping an
open mind, accepting and contrasting different views, and never stopping learning
what makes academic work so enriching, for teachers and students alike. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b>This year,
to celebrate the 50<sup>th</sup> anniversary of the Department of Social Policy
and Social Work, we offer <a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/postgraduate/fees-bursaries-scholarships/j-bradshaw-online-bursary/">two
bursaries</a> for students on our new <a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/postgraduate/ma-spp/">MA in Social and Public
Policy</a>. </b><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<i><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/enrico-reuter/">Enrico Reuter</a> –
follow me on Twitter: <a href="https://twitter.com/ReuterEnrico">@ReuterEnrico</a></span>
<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-87483513718793462082016-03-29T15:16:00.001+01:002016-06-21T17:06:46.665+01:00Trade, sustainability and global governance<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiNwVvJQ-f0w5YI4hTvvTYJ8P-PCFADZmGVDDFhCL7BBeOSeytainmTf6wJhoUBCy3w9JiHPIqmHpgYns4P-HtZbNJTWqXs5m_wXoSSsKu6WTQpTgWFVQ4q6vLh5EaXtj1XbxfQxMYw0D0/s1600/shutterstock_trade.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="266" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiNwVvJQ-f0w5YI4hTvvTYJ8P-PCFADZmGVDDFhCL7BBeOSeytainmTf6wJhoUBCy3w9JiHPIqmHpgYns4P-HtZbNJTWqXs5m_wXoSSsKu6WTQpTgWFVQ4q6vLh5EaXtj1XbxfQxMYw0D0/s400/shutterstock_trade.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">On 1 January 2016, the<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: blue; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.un.org/sustainabledevelopment/sustainable-development-goals/" title="Sustainable Development Goals"><span style="background: white; text-decoration: none;">17
Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">in the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: blue; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/RES/70/1&Lang=E"><span style="background: white; text-decoration: none;">2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="background-color: white; color: blue; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">,</span><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; color: #5b5b5b; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">adopted in
September 2015, came into force, replacing the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.unmillenniumproject.org/goals/"><span style="background: white; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> framework that that
shaped the international development agenda from 2000 to 2015.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.un.org/sustainabledevelopment/development-agenda/"><span style="background: white;">‘Over the
next fifteen years, with these new Goals that universally apply to all,
countries will mobilize efforts to end all forms of poverty, fight inequalities
and tackle climate change, while ensuring that no one is left behind’</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white;">.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US">So
has the era of sustainability as a guiding norm for global governance arrived? As
</span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.iss.nl/fileadmin/ASSETS/iss/Research_and_projects/Research_networks/ICAS/1-ICAS_CP_Clapp.pdf">Jennifer Clapp</a></span><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span lang="EN-US">
</span></span><span lang="EN-US">explains,
‘governance frameworks are rarely guided by just a single normative idea, often
it is the interaction of different norms that shapes policy outcomes’. Sustainability
‘shares the stage’ with another powerful norm - trade liberalisation. Increasingly,
norms of trade liberalization and sustainability are presented ‘side by side’, as
if mutually supportive. In the agri-food sector, for example, a liberalised
trade regime is typically presented as not only compatible with but the means
by which sustainability can be achieved.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The
‘trade supports sustainability’ argument relies heavily on the concept of
comparative advantage, devised in 1817 by David Ricardo to explain aggregate efficiency
gains realized when each country specialises in production of just those goods
for which it enjoys comparative (if not absolute) advantage. What the theory
assumes is that only goods, and not capital and labour, cross national borders.
This is clearly not the case in a contemporary global trade regime, however,
which is shaped by transnational corporations able to invest in ‘multiple
locations around the world, and at numerous points along global supply chains’
undermining ‘that most basic assumption of comparative advantage, that is that
capital is not mobile between countries’. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<b><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A Magna Carta for investors<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US">While
the ‘trade supports sustainability’ position broadly informed discussions at
the </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.un.org/sustainabledevelopment/summit/">Sustainable Development Summit</a></span><span lang="EN-US">, specific questions
about how policies to achieve the SDGs might potentially conflict with
commitments under preferential trade agreements and bilateral trade agreements
(BITs) were </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/embed/T4o9ibsXUQk">sidelined</a></span><span lang="EN-US">. In particular, and unlike the SDGs, such agreements are
enforceable though highly coercive ‘</span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Investor-state_dispute_settlement">investor-state dispute
settlement’ (ISDS)</a></span><span lang="EN-US"> mechanisms. The inclusion of ISDS in a trade treaty or BIT enables
overseas investors to sue national governments (but not the reverse) for
profits lost, for example, as a result of appropriation of the company’s
assets. The judgements (handed down by corporate lawyers, not judges) are
binding and, it is said, irreversible.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US">A
recent article in the </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/business/2015/jun/10/obscure-legal-system-lets-corportations-sue-states-ttip-icsid">Guardian</a></span><span lang="EN-US"> revealed that the
ISDS mechanism, which turned 50 last year, has a long and chequered history. The
idea of ‘investor protection’ was originally conceived by European investors as
a way to protect investments in former colonies. Herman Abs, then Chairman of
Deutsche Bank Chairman described it, apparently without irony, as ‘a Magna
Carta for private investors’. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US">ISDS
was subsequently adopted by the World Bank, despite strong opposition from
developing countries, in the belief it would ‘help the world’s poorest
countries attract foreign capital.’ In 1964 the Bank set up its ‘</span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://icsid.worldbank.org/apps/ICSIDWEB/Pages/default.aspx">International Centre for
Settlement of Investment Disputes’ (ICSID)</a></span><span lang="EN-US">, which remains the premier
tribunal for hearing ISDS cases worldwide, and ISDS has since been a standard component
in trade agreements with developing countries.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US">According
to the authors of the </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/business/2015/jun/10/obscure-legal-system-lets-corportations-sue-states-ttip-icsid">Guardian</a></span><span lang="EN-US"> article, a mechanism devised
to protect against seizure of assets has suffered from rather an extreme case
of mission creep. “The number of suits filed against countries at the ICSID is
now around 500 – and that figure is growing at an average rate of one case a
week.” These days multinational corporations routinely use ISDS, not only to
recover money already invested, but for alleged “expected future profits”.
Under this generous interpretation several governments have been sued for legislating
to protect employment rights and social and environmental standards: In other
words, the kind of measures that would be consistent with achieving the SDGs.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Treaty Alliance<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US">The
largest award made by an ISDS tribunal was by the Government of Ecuador, to the
</span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://kluwerarbitrationblog.com/2012/12/19/icsids-largest-award-in-history-an-overview-of-occidental-petroleum-corporation-v-the-republic-of-ecuador/">Occidental Petroleum Corporation</a></span><span lang="EN-US"> in 2006, for $1.7
billion. Interestingly, while the tribunal found in the government’s favour
(that the company had indeed violated Ecuadorian law) it nevertheless ruled
damages be paid to the company on account of the government’s
‘disproportionate’ response of terminating the contract.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US">At
a </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.iss.nl/research/research_programmes/political_economy_of_resources_environment_and_population_per/networks/critical_agrarian_studies_icas/icas_colloquium/global_governancepolitics_climate_justice_agrariansocial_justice/">conference</a></span><span lang="EN-US"> I recently attended, </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mar%C3%ADa_Fernanda_Espinosa">Maria Fernandez Espinosa</a></span><span lang="EN-US">, Government Minister
and Ecuador ambassador to the UN outlined a series of events that have unfolded
since that time. In </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://unctad.org/en/Docs/webdiaeia20106_en.pdf">2007 Bolivia withdrew from the ICSID Convention, followed by Ecuador
in 2009</a></span><span lang="EN-US">
and </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.iisd.org/itn/2012/04/13/venezuelas-withdrawal-from-icsid-what-it-does-and-does-not-achieve/">Venezuela in 2012</a></span><span lang="EN-US">. Between 2008 and 2010
Ecuador terminated nine BITS and have since declared several more to be ‘inconsistent
with the country’s constitution’. The Government of Ecuador is now leading
creation of an alternative, </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.iisd.org/itn/2012/01/12/unasur/">regional centre for dispute settlement</a></span><span lang="EN-US"> under the rubric of
the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US">In
her keynote speech, Espinoza reflected on ‘why are there not also treaties to
force transnational companies to respect national laws, human rights and
nature?’ Ecuador has, together with South Africa and several other countries in
Latin America, along with hundreds of civil society organisations, formed the ‘</span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.treatymovement.com/">Treaty Alliance</a></span><span lang="EN-US">’ in favour of a binding
regulatory treaty with respect to human rights. Despite strong opposition from
developed countries, in 2014 a UN resolution was passed to establish an
intergovernmental working group: <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="margin-left: 36.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">At its 26th session, on 26 June 2014, the UN <a href="http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/WGTransCorp/Pages/IGWGOnTNC.aspx">Human Rights Council</a> adopted <span style="color: black;"><a href="http://ap.ohchr.org/documents/dpage_e.aspx?si=A/HRC/RES/26/9"><span style="text-decoration: none;">resolution 26/9</span></a> </span>by which it decided “to establish an open-ended intergovernmental
working group on transnational corporations and other business enterprises with
respect to human rights, whose mandate shall be to elaborate an international
legally binding instrument to regulate, in international human rights law, the
activities of transnational corporations and other business enterprises.”<span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b><span lang="EN-US"><br /></span></b></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b><span lang="EN-US">Look South</span></b><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b><span lang="EN-US"><br /></span></b></span>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US">Unlike the MDGs, which assumed that only developing countries
were in need of ‘development’, the SDGs are indeed ‘Global Goals’ that apply to
all countries. However, as </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://linkis.com/org.uk/RtJtR">Richard
Jolly argues in a recent blog</a></span><span lang="EN-US">, ‘if the challenges are
universal, so too are the lessons of experience, achievement and failures. A
change of mindset will be needed – and some humility. No longer will the more
developed countries be able to dispense wisdom and instructions to poorer
countries about what they ought to be doing… breaking the cycle of poverty is
far from easy. Which of the richer countries have done it? Not the UK, in spite
of more than 200 years of growth and ‘development’. Nor the US, France, Germany
or Russia’. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US"><br /></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US">In a </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/what-greece-can-learn-from-africa-about-the-effects-of-austerity-after-a-debt-crisis-44666"><span lang="EN-US">recent article in the
Conversation</span></a><span lang="EN-US">, Ian Scoones argues that a question that is often asked; ‘what can
Africa learn from Greece?’ is the wrong question. What we should be asking is:
‘What can Greece learn from Africa about effects of austerity after a debt
crisis?’ Similarly, as civil society groups and citizens in the Global North
grapple with implications of a raft of new trade and investment treaties (the
alphabet soup that is TTIP/TAFTA, CETA, TPP and TISA) for sustainable
development, surprisingly little is heard about developments in the Global
South, particularly in Latin America, from where workable alternatives look
most likely to emerge. So perhaps the most important lesson yet to be learned
is the need to look South for lessons. <o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i><span lang="EN-US">By </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/sally-brooks/">Sally Brooks</a>; f</span><span lang="EN-US">ollow her on </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://twitter.com/sallyhbrooks">Twitter</a></span></i></span>The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-27563311670825801042016-03-08T11:51:00.000+00:002016-06-21T17:06:12.743+01:00Public sector outsourcing: What have we learnt and what is still unclear? <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiBJoubowKFRIQZzzayRcHyOxXa8sTuOuPjI5z4Lxd2SkL-Q29fOKOK3xEDE_WlPTo2qQkYZA5boE5-9dqvD3rF2BSkyGpMsxE0p4mbTfDHfax4dw-L3p4TuLPJM2rwC4N8hNtznj7lN2k/s1600/analysis+chap.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="110" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiBJoubowKFRIQZzzayRcHyOxXa8sTuOuPjI5z4Lxd2SkL-Q29fOKOK3xEDE_WlPTo2qQkYZA5boE5-9dqvD3rF2BSkyGpMsxE0p4mbTfDHfax4dw-L3p4TuLPJM2rwC4N8hNtznj7lN2k/s400/analysis+chap.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">From the early 1980s onwards public sector outsourcing – the
delivery of public services by private sector organisations – has become
increasingly common place in the UK and internationally. While the language may
have changed along the way, with Compulsory Competitive Tendering giving way to
Public Private Partnerships, the underlying intention has remained consistent: to
harness the power of competition in order to improve the efficiency,
responsiveness and quality of public services. These aims have been reinforced
by successive governments.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Since outsourcing is now so well-established, what can be
learnt from this long-standing experience? <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">First, <b>the impact of
outsourced arrangements</b> in terms of efficiency, quality and value for money
seems to be mixed, but is also quite hard to assess. As the Institute for
Government notes, one reason for this difficulty is the lack of transparency about
both the terms on which contracts are let and how they perform. While there
have been several high-profile failures, such as those involving Serco and G4S,
it is hard to gauge how representative these are of outsourcing experience in
general. It is certainly interesting to note though, that in some quarters
there seems to have been a turning of the tide, with some recent examples of previously
outsourced services being brought back in-house. In 2011, for example, the
Conservative-led council in Cumbria decided to bring its contracted-out highways
and road-works services <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/society/2016/mar/02/councils-outsourcing-cumbria-public-private-partnership-in-house">in-house</a>,
citing rising prices and lack of flexibility, with similar decisions since
being made in some other local authorities. These shifts indicate that, at the
very least, the evidence about impact doesn’t all point one way. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Secondly, there is no shortage of incisive analysis pointing
out the lessons that have been learnt within the public sector about the <b>conditions for success</b>. Reports by the <a href="https://www.nao.org.uk/report/delivering-public-services-through-markets-principles-for-achieving-value-for-money-3/">National
Audit Office</a> (NAO) in 2012 and by the <a href="http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/publications/making-public-service-markets-work">Institute
for Government</a> and the <a href="http://www.parliament.uk/business/committees/committees-a-z/commons-select/public-accounts-committee/news/public-services-private-contractors-report/">Public
Accounts Committee</a> in 2013 and 2014 respectively, all looked in depth at
the problems and challenges of public sector outsourcing. The recommendations
by these reports can be grouped, broadly, into a three-part agenda, dealing
with:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<ul style="margin-top: 0cm;" type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b>Oversight arrangements</b>. This includes having clear rules in
place to govern market-based arrangements, having a clear understanding of
each particular market and, crucially, knowing whose job it is to perform
these oversight functions – a point made in the Institute for Government’s
report on ‘Making Public Service Markets Work’. The need for transparency
also fits in here.</span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b>Making markets work effectively</b>. This heading sub-divides
further into demand- and supply-side measures, aimed respectively at empowering
users and at enabling entry to and exit from the market. <o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b>Contract management and delivery</b>. Here the emphasis is on
contractors having the skills to design, manage and monitor contracts. As
the Public Accounts Committee commented: “government needs a far more
professional and skilled approach to managing contracts”, warning that<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="background: white;"> “there
are </span></span><span style="background: white;">serious
weaknesses in the Government’s ability to negotiate and manage contracts
with private companies on our behalf.” Continuing concerns about
weaknesses in this area are signalled by the recent <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/society/2016/mar/06/government-to-review-500m-worth-of-atos-contracts-after-it-failure">announcement
of a Cabinet Office review</a> of £500m worth of outsourcing contracts
held by Atos, following a major failure in their work on an IT contract
for GPs. </span><o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There seems to be,
then, a clear consensus about current problems in public sector outsourcing and
how they need to be addressed.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The third point
to note concerning the current state of play, though, concerns <b>the criteria that are being used to assess
the outcomes of public sector outsourcing</b>. Almost across the board, the
start and end point is that of ‘value for money’. This emphasis is echoed in,
for example, the title of the NAO’s report on ‘Delivering public services
through markets: principles for achieving value for money’. This is not
surprising, given that value for money has been at the heart of the rhetoric
that drives these arrangements. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It does lead,
though, to some questions and dilemmas. Value for money has to be interpreted,
and this involves deciding on the appropriate trade-offs between efficiency,
economy and quality. In this complex process of decision-making, it is all too
easy for the interpretation to focus solely on costs at the expense of a
clear-headed view about how those costs relate to the outcomes achieved. An
emphasis on value for money can also lead to a market-centric perspective in
which the analysis of both the process and outcomes of outsourcing tends to focus
on the workings of a particular sector or market rather than on the wider
implications. This emphasis can be seen in the three-part agenda set out above.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">These wider
implications are important for the users of public services. As the Institute
for Government points out, service users may have multiple needs and yet each
commissioner will tend to focus on just one narrow part of these needs. There
are also wider implications for providers. What happens to the strategic
capacity of a local authority when it has outsourced its services to such a
degree that it no longer has the capacity to take a strategic view about the
future shape and pattern of services? What happens to organisational learning –
both about the process of contracting-out and the outcomes achieved – when that
strategic capacity degrades? What impact does this then have on public sector
managers’ capacity to take the professional and skilled approach that the
Public Accounts Committee has called for? <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">These questions
about the impact of outsourcing on strategic capacity and organisational
learning urgently need adding to the agenda identified above. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/ellen-roberts/">Ellen Roberts</a> –
follow me on <a href="https://twitter.com/YorkEllen">Twitter</a></span> <o:p></o:p></i></div>
The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-47191231318158407142016-02-22T18:45:00.004+00:002016-06-21T17:07:09.047+01:00Four frameworks to understand public service reform – a proposal <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgdyh3BwcQ3d1GNyFDsWvQrfowJsUujPGrTwdfAvT16W8j25QNH83FrRrg204Vx9Vxt_wS0075UFG1i78P3COhIiESIUp_WxUdVSS6__BOFX553AvPRGTSZnShTctCdRpjhyu_KK8Ov6P8/s1600/shutterstock_4+puzzle.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgdyh3BwcQ3d1GNyFDsWvQrfowJsUujPGrTwdfAvT16W8j25QNH83FrRrg204Vx9Vxt_wS0075UFG1i78P3COhIiESIUp_WxUdVSS6__BOFX553AvPRGTSZnShTctCdRpjhyu_KK8Ov6P8/s320/shutterstock_4+puzzle.jpg" width="320" /></span></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Public services
tend to be seen as guarantors of well-being. Whether we think of education, healthcare or essential local services, it is generally agreed that public
services, funded by taxation and available to people regardless of their
ability to directly pay, play a role in protecting certain minimum standards.
As soon as we move however beyond these basic assumptions, debates around
public services become more antagonistic, with competing arguments regarding
the most efficient use of public funds, the most effective modes of delivery
and the main priorities of service provision. It is thus not surprising that
reform plans for public services are subject to controversial and often
contradictory claims as to what should be done, can be done and why. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is one of
the tasks of social scientists to reveal what lies behind such arguments and to
hence analyse the material and ideological drivers behind social
transformations or policy change. To do this well, it makes sense to rely on an
effective combination of empirical research and theorising, with the latter
being essential to reduce the complexity of social reality and to create
frameworks, models and categories that help to foster a critical understanding
of the social world surrounding us. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Based on
empirical research of public service reforms and having taught this topic for several
years, I would argue that we can identify four distinct ideational frameworks,
which represent a coherent set of beliefs guiding public service reform. In
this blog post, I would like to briefly introduce these four and invite any
comments, either publicly or via email: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The <b>social-holistic framework</b> sees public
services as deeply interwoven with the integrative fabric of a society, as
institutions that tie social groups, individuals and communities together by
establishing bonds of collectively organised mutual support and
interdependence. The importance of public services goes beyond the practical,
as they represent one major expression of how a society chooses to be organised
along the lines of democratic inclusiveness as well as inter-generational and
inter-personal solidarity. Public services are, from this perspective and in the
words of Castel and Haroche (2001), a form of social property accessible
to all citizens and residents. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The <b>political-selective framework</b> is
equally embedded in material social relations, but it is less universal and
comprehensive than the previous framework, as it focuses on the conflictual
interplays between social groups. The shape and generosity of public services
as well as the priorities of service delivery are determined by the ability of
social groups and classes to influence the policy process and to make demands
for service provision. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The <b>economic-functionalist framework</b>
defines public services negatively, as a response to perceived gaps and
distortions in the functioning of markets. Wherever market failures occur, a
space for legitimate government intervention opens up to address said market
failures, but the scope of public services remains generally restricted to
those realms where market-based approaches, according to the theoretical
premises of this perspective, appear as insufficient. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The <b>moral-residual framework</b> takes this
thinking further, by stipulating that public services ought to provide nothing
more than a minimum safety net for the poorest members of society, in other
words for those who do not possess the economic or social capital to protect
themselves, for example by purchasing private education or health insurance. It
could be argued that this framework represents a sub-set of the economic-functionalist
framework, if it weren’t for one substantial difference: Similar to means-tested
benefits, users of these residual public services can potentially be subjected
to a moralising discourse that defines any reliance on the minimum safety net
as a sign of personal failure. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">These four
frameworks obviously need to be fine-tuned by further empirical research in
order to create proper ideal-types, but I think they can serve well as a
starting point for analyses that seek to identify how advocates of public
service reform, be it political parties, think tanks or NGOs, conceptualise and
act upon public services. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In this way,
we can gain a deeper understanding of the underpinning ideas and interests that
drive policy change in this particular field. Moreover, it becomes easier to
identify broader trends in public service reform and to situate specific case
studies within these trends, going beyond categories such as ‘choice and
competition’ that are frequently used by observers and policy-makers to
describe reform processes. And finally, frameworks like these, or adjusted
versions of them, should enable us to shine a brighter spotlight on the
intellectual premises that underpin debates about public services.
It seems to me this critical engagement is crucial in times when the neoliberal
and managerial paradigms of the past, despite their obviou<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_GoBack"></a>s
flaws and failures, continue to restrict policy debates. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/enrico-reuter/">Enrico Reuter</a> - f</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">ollow me on </span><a href="https://twitter.com/ReuterEnrico" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;" target="_blank">Twitter</a></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">Castel, R. and Haroche, C. (2001). </span><i><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 10pt;">Propriété privée, propriété sociale, propriété de soi</span></i><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 10pt;">. Paris: Librairie Artème Fayard.</span></span></div>
The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-62210093885427500792016-02-05T12:16:00.000+00:002016-06-21T17:05:13.764+01:00COP 21 – Managing complex international negotiations<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The Paris Climate Agreement, adopted by 195 States in Paris on 12 December 2015, at the <a href="http://www.cop21.gouv.fr/en">21<sup>st</sup> Conference of Parties (COP 21)</a> of the United Nations Framework for the Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), is certainly a victory for its host country, France. Observing the negotiations from the side-lines, as observer organisations did not have access to the negotiation room, I found the set-up of the conference, led by its President Laurent Fabius, fascinating, in particular seeing it from the angle of change management. This article comments on what was done in Paris to bring states so divergent in their opinions to an agreement. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="line-height: 18.4px;">The COP 21 – also called the United Nations (UN) Climate Change Conference – took place in Le Bourget near Paris from 30 November to 12 December 2015. The Paris Agreement was finally adopted in the early evening of the 12<sup>th</sup>. The Agreement will </span><span style="line-height: 18.4px;">be deposited at the UN in New York and be opened on 22 April 2016 – Mother Earth Day – for one year (till 21 April 2017) for signatures by states. The agreement will enter into force on the thirtieth day after the date on which at least 55 Parties to the Convention accounting in total for at least an estimated 55% of the total global greenhouse gas emissions have deposited their instruments of ratification, acceptance, approval or accession.</span><span style="line-height: 18.4px;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The draft agreement and decision document shared at the end of the first week of COP 21 was 43-page long and with hundreds of brackets indicating text still to be agreed. Considering the ambitious aim of finding an agreement that is legally binding, balanced and far-reaching, managing negotiations between 195 countries over two weeks seemed extremely challenging for the COP 21 Presidency and the UN.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In my view, it was a clever move of Fabius to set up at least three levels of negotiations: On the highest level, an Indaba-style meeting for parties to speak openly about their “red-lines” and trade-offs; on a technical level, a gathering of 17 ambassadors to facilitate the negotiations in different areas; and finally the COP 21 as a comprehensive process with seven meetings of the ‘Committée de Paris’, which gathered parties and observers, ensured the transparency of negotiations and promoted a common understanding of the progress made in the negotiation. During its meetings, parties could express their views on the draft text, while the COP21 President and his facilitator-ambassadors shared the information on the negotiation of the text. Keeping participants of COP21 as a whole – parties and observers – in the loop through the meetings of Committée de Paris and their presence in the same room facilitated the advance of the negotiations. It provided opportunities for parties and observer organisations to discuss key questions, and the latter could exercise advocacy through bilateral meetings as well as exercise public pressure outside of the conference halls.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="line-height: 18.4px;">It is also worth noting that to break through barriers that seemed to prevent progress during the first week, Fabius played a role as change manager to harness good will from all 195 states to advance the negotiation. The four core managerial competences that are essential for the effective management of change as proposed by Carnall (2003, as cited in Burnes, 2014) had been applied by Fabius in this context: decision-making, coalition-building, achieving action, and maintaining momentum and effort.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="line-height: 18.4px;">Decision-making:</span><span style="line-height: 18.4px;"> As described above, Fabius had been successful, by establishing various communication mechanisms, to advance negotiations of the draft text. Decisions were made step by step and progress was shared timely and publicly, to pave the way to reach a consensus at the end of the process.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="line-height: 18.4px;">Coalition-building:</span><span style="line-height: 18.4px;"> Since having taken over the presidency, Fabius had travelled and met with key governments for lobbying. More than 100 countries– including the richer ones (the ‘polluters’) and the poorer ones (the ‘vulnerable’) – had joined the ‘High Ambition Coalition’, an initiative of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of </span><span style="line-height: 18.4px;">the Marshall Islands,</span><span style="line-height: 18.4px;"> </span><span style="line-height: 18.4px;">Tony de Brum</span><span style="line-height: 18.4px;">. This Coalition had been formed in secret and was revealed only on the eighth day of COP 21, when it spoke out strongly in favour of an agreement. The Coalition also played an essential role in persuading parties with </span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="background: white; color: #222222; line-height: 18.4px;">a</span></span><span style="background: white; color: #222222; line-height: 18.4px;"> recalcitrant attitude and in reducing the number of agreement-resistant states.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="background: white; color: #222222; line-height: 18.4px;">Achieving action:</span><span style="background: white; color: #222222; line-height: 18.4px;"> During the 2<sup>nd</sup> week of the negotiation at COP21, Fabius demonstrated confidence in achieving an agreement – and not just a mediocre agreement – and in the actions taken by the group of high-level facilitators supporting him in the process, including Venezuela and Saudi Arabia, which were two difficult parties to be convinced to form an agreement. By inviting them to be facilitators, they shared their responsibilities to produce results for the negotiation to move forward.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="background: white; color: #222222; line-height: 18.4px;">Maintaining momentum and effort:</span><span style="background: white; color: #222222; line-height: 18.4px;"> During the 2<sup>nd</sup> week, the process was full of suspense and Fabius’ skilful navigation through the negotiation, for instance by ensuring transparency regarding the advancement of the draft text and by proposing mechanisms to include not only parties but also observers, has enabled parties to engage well in negotiations and to reach a consensus. It seemed to me that the perseverance and patience of Fabius were decisive in this tricky process.</span><span style="line-height: 18.4px;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So, what has changed since the COP negotiation failure in 2009 in Copenhagen to facilitate this consensus of Paris in 2015? There may be less denial of the fact that climate is changing; decision makers and politicians might be more aware of impacts of climate change in their countries; the general public could have been awakened by catastrophic effects of climate change and may ask for better responsibility and accountability of their public authorities; just to mention a few. Nevertheless, the organisation behind the scenes by the President of COP 21, Laurent Fabius, in addition to the efforts made by the Secretary General of the United Nations since 2010, was a key determinant of this success. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">On a personal note, I also found that the practical organisation of COP21 was of a high standard. During the two-week long conference, for example, relaxing rooms were at the disposal of delegates to rest a while after days and nights spent in negotiations; food from different regions of the world was provided to delegates far away from home; and shuttle bus services operated night and day between the conference venue and hotels. How can delegates not appreciate all the efforts made by France to reach an agreement in Paris?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/joy-ching-ya-muller-13691b19?authType=NAME_SEARCH&authToken=3ISi&locale=en_US&trk=tyah&trkInfo=clickedVertical%3Amynetwork%2CclickedEntityId%3A64985082%2CauthType%3ANAME_SEARCH%2Cidx%3A1-1-1%2CtarId%3A1455025492589%2Ctas%3Ajoy" target="_blank">Joy Muller</a><o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
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<span style="line-height: 18.4px;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: xx-small;">Burnes, B. (2014). <i>Managing Change</i>. Sixth edition. Pearson Education Limited.</span></span></div>
The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-51094670259874241912016-01-18T09:00:00.000+00:002016-06-21T17:05:27.969+01:002015 - The Year 'International Development' Became 'Sustainable Development'<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">UN Member States adopted the 2030 Agenda
for Sustainable Development in September 2015. The new agenda provides a
framework for development cooperation over the next 15 years, and it recasts
the scope of what we mean by ‘international development.’<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Through my work with the conference reporting
team of <i>Earth Negotiations Bulletin</i>,
I’d been on the sidelines of the final negotiations and adoption of the agenda
– through many long days and even longer nights of hallway huddles, gossip,
rumours, and plenary adjournments while negotiators attempted to smooth over
the last cracks in the wall of agreement.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">On a warm Sunday evening at UN Headquarters
in August, diplomats finally reached agreement on the final text to be
forwarded for adoption. Applause broke out, long and loud. Negotiators wept and
embraced. The 17 Sustainable Development Goals, 169 targets, and framing text
that together made up the 2030 Agenda would become a reality when adopted as a
package that September. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">As I lugged my note-filled laptop back to the
hotel to start work on the conference bulletin, I wondered if everything, or
nothing, had changed. The answer, as ever, is probably somewhere in between. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It’s all too easy to dismiss the UN as a
sideshow. The arcane procedures, the aspirational language, the endless
speechifying…all of these make up the years and sometimes decades-long process
toward a new multilateral agreement. Yet, it would be a mistake to assume that they
mean nothing. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The negotiations take ages, because many
concepts, ideas and proposals are hotly contested. Countries have different
interests, and the intergovernmental process must somehow bridge these
differences. The UN, or something very much like it, is needed because
individual countries cannot adequately tackle problems that require joint
solutions. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The task of implementing the 2030 Agenda
has only just begun. While many have said that “history will judge” the value
of this new agenda, some are already producing its first draft. Here are four
thoughts on what is changing for practitioners of international development:</span></div>
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<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">International development will integrate
environmental concerns to a greater extent than before. It doesn’t mean that practitioners
will take their eyes off the goal of poverty eradication – but it does mean
that we will take a more consistently holistic approach. The 2030 Agenda
recognizes the importance of the environment as the basis for shared prosperity
and wellbeing, and each of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals has been
carefully crafted to knit together the social, economic and environmental
dimensions. For example, SDG 1, to end
poverty in all its forms everywhere, includes targets for equal rights to
economic resources including land ownership and natural resources, and to build
resilience to climate-related extreme events.<br /><br />We will probably see
approaches similar to ‘One Health,’ which promotes interdisciplinary
collaboration in all aspects of health care for humans, animals and the
environment, and which is already supported by many agencies including the
World Health Organization and the Centre for Disease Control, coming to the
fore in the development sphere.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Whereas the Millennium
Development Goals applied largely to poor countries, the new Sustainable
Development Goals have recast development as a shared enterprise toward
addressing common problems. The melding of poverty eradication and
environmental sustainability aims in the 2030 Agenda implies new partnership
approaches and the erosion of traditional donor-recipient relationships.<br /><br />Poor countries are
recognized as stewards of planetary resources for all humanity, a point that
has been increasingly highlighted in global forums such as the Third International
Conference on Small Island Developing States (SIDS) that took place in Samoa in
September 2014. The conference drew attention to SIDS as custodians of ocean
biodiversity, for example, through Kiribati’s gazetting of the Phoenix Islands
Protected Area, the largest marine conservation area in the Pacific.<br /><br />The stewardship role of
countries that are poor in GDP but rich in natural resources provides a different
kind of rationale for development assistance. Just as development aid moved
from “needs-based” to “rights-based” approaches in the late 20<sup>th</sup>
century, in years to come we may look back and say the 2030 Agenda marked the
point at which “planet-based” approaches began gaining traction.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Development agencies will
become contributors to, and beneficiaries of, the current international effort
to develop adequate indicators for monitoring progress under the 2030 Agenda.
For example, the adoption of SDG 16 on peace, justice and effective
institutions, has promoted interest in how we can measure achievements in the
messy business of governance.<br /><br />The 2030 Agenda has
brought with it higher expectations around monitoring of progress, greater
demand for data and statistics to serve this purpose, and greater recognition
that monitoring is not a purely technical role but has a political dimension to
it. ‘Follow-up and review’ was one of the most hotly debated aspects of the 2030
Agenda, as countries grappled with the prospect of how governments can produce
sufficient and credible data for measuring progress.<br /><br />The Interagency Expert Group
on the SDGs (the IAEG-SDGs), a grouping of UN Member States, has been tasked
with developing a global indicator framework for presentation to the UN
Statistical Commission when it meets in March 2016. So far, 225 indicators have been agreed to,
and many more are still being discussed. Many development agencies have been
involved in the online consultations to shape the final indicator package. At
this point, it looks likely that the IAEG-SDGs will continue to meet as it
grapples with many conceptual and technical issues; their efforts will be
influential in development circles.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Crowdsourcing of development
solutions will become a more frequent complement to technical, expert-led
approaches. Between the UN Conference on Sustainable Development in Rio in June
2012 (Rio+20) and the adoption of the SDGs in 2015, online consultations
through the UN and civil society ‘World We Want’ initiative made the shaping of
the 2030 Agenda, arguably, the most participatory international process ever.
While the full import of the broad and expansive scope of the 2030 Agenda is
still sinking in, the Internet is making it possible to garner broad input to
development questions. One example of this is the “knowledge co-production”
exercise led by Sheffield Institute for International Development and the UN
Research Institute for Social Development, that the University of Sheffield exercise
last year, which sought to prioritize <a href="http://www.unrisd.org/80256B3C005BCCF9/search/AC45AB8A6F43AFA2C1257E0E006A9993?OpenDocument">the
top 100 research questions</a> for international development in the SDG era.</span></li>
</ol>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/delia-paul-820b331" target="_blank">Delia Paul</a></i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span lang="EN-US">For a full account
of negotiations leading up to adoption of the 2030 Agenda on Sustainable
Development, see the Earth Negotiations Bulletin </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.iisd.ca/vol32/">archive of
reports on the post-2015 process</a></span><span lang="EN-US">. For ongoing news implementation of the 2030 Agenda
for Sustainable Development, see the </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://sd.iisd.org/">Sustainable Development
Policy & Practice</a></span></span><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-size: x-small;">.
</span><span style="font-size: 11pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-17651167508109177542016-01-04T12:00:00.000+00:002016-06-21T17:04:36.752+01:00GM crops and the developing world: opposing sides miss the bigger picture<div class="MsoNormal">
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">The majority of genetically modified (GM) crops </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/b86833c2-7a26-11e2-9dad-00144feabdc0.html#axzz3rAtCbsH2"><span style="color: #0a5287; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">are now</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"> cultivated in
the developing world. </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.isaaa.org/resources/publications/briefs/49/executivesummary/"><span style="color: #0a5287; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">In 2014</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">, around 53% of
the 182m hectares (nearly two million square kilometres) of GM crops were grown
in these countries.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">In reality, though, the “developing world” is a catch-all for
many different countries. Brazil and Argentina are way out in front, planting
nearly 70m hectares of GM soy, maize and cotton. India has 11.6m hectares of GM
cotton alone. China has a broader spread but much smaller quantities, while in
sub-Saharan Africa, there are 2.7m hectares of GM soy, maize and cotton in
South Africa, and 0.5m hectares of cotton in Burkina Faso. Bangladesh is the
latest addition to the so-called GM nations. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">By far the most common GM crops are those that can tolerate
herbicides. They suit the large “mono-cropped” farming systems found in the US,
Argentina and Brazil. Among smallholdings, notably in India, China and South
Africa, the biggest GM crop is </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.bt.ucsd.edu/bt_cotton.html"><span style="color: #0a5287; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Bt cotton</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">, which incorporates a
toxin that kills pests. It has been at the centre of the debate about the
extent to which GM </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.ids.ac.uk/publication/undying-promise-agricultural-biotechnology-s-pro-poor-narrative-ten-years-on"><span style="color: #0a5287; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">can help</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"> the poor.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Poorer countries might also benefit from crops being developed
to resist drought, heat, frost and salty soil – drought-tolerant maize is </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://dtma.cimmyt.org/"><span style="color: #0a5287; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">seen as</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"> a promising answer to
“climate-smart” farming in Africa, for instance. Also promising are crops with
enhanced nutritional value, such as vitamin A-enriched </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.york.ac.uk/media/spsw/images/books/Brooks_Food%20Chain_2013.pdf"><span style="color: #0a5287; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">golden rice</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">. These remain </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://irri.org/blogs/golden-rice-blog/clarifying-recent-news-about-golden-rice"><span style="color: #0a5287; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">in development</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">, though.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Good for the poor?<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">One big problem with GM in the developing world is that
successes claimed for certain crops already in farmers’ fields have become
conflated with expectations around other different technologies not yet ready
for release. This has happened with Bt cotton and golden rice, for instance,
and has helped to create the </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://foodrevolution.org/blog/golden-rice-gm-crops/"><span style="color: #0a5287; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">false impression</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"> that golden
rice is ready for market.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Bt cotton’s own benefits to the poor meanwhile look shaky on
closer examination. In the most detailed study to date on smallholder farms in
India, China and South Africa in 2009, Dominic Glover of the Institute of
Development Studies </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.ids.ac.uk/news/gm-crops-ten-years-on-the-undying-promise"><span style="color: #0a5287; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">found that</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"> much of its
performance depends on the locally adapted cotton varieties with which it needs
to be crossed.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Good yield also needs favourable soils and irrigation – “the
very things the poorest farmers typically lack”, according to Glover. This all
requires appropriate investments in infrastructure and institutions. He
concluded that while some farmers have benefited, “others, especially smaller
and poorer farmers have not”. Success depended on much more than “new genes
inserted into a crop plant”.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Nevertheless a roll call of </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2458520/Owen-Paterson-GM-food-opponents-wicked-leave-children-poorest-areas-die.html"><span style="color: #0a5287; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">high-profile champions</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"> based in
richer countries continue to push the idea that GM crop technology is
inherently pro-poor, held back only by overburdensome regulation and irrational
opposition. Their opponents </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://steps-centre.org/2015/blog/for-or-against-gm-crops-other-positions-are-available/"><span style="color: #0a5287; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">argue fiercely</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"> to the
contrary.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Opposition to GM crops in developing countries is often
misunderstood in this hostile climate. Contrary to popular belief, local
resistance is not coordinated “by Greenpeace” but grounded in local realities.
Probably the best known was Zambia’s 2002 rejection of GM food aid during a
food crisis. Where global GM debates revolve around health and environmental
risk, Zambia’s decision was </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://linkis.com/wiley.com/9HiSk"><span style="color: #446272; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">primarily about</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"> maintaining control over
agriculture.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">The New Alliance<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">In truth, debates about whether GM crops or any single
technology are “good for the poor” or can “feed the world” are becoming tired.
They tend to discuss GM technologies as if they can be isolated from the wider
socioeconomic and political context. In Mexico, for example, smallholder
farmers’ experience of GM maize </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007%2Fs10460-004-5862-y"><span style="color: #0a5287; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">has been</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"> shaped by the </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/jan/04/nafta-20-years-mexico-regret"><span style="color: #0a5287; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">North American Free Trade
Agreement (NAFTA)</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"> and policies favouring market liberalisation, and
reductions in state assistance.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Similarly in India, Bt cotton uptake has occurred against a
backdrop of market liberalisation. Farmers have had to cope with fluctuating
prices and the challenges of accessing credit as state subsidies have been
removed. </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.threeessays.com/books/shadow-space/"><span style="color: #446272; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Crucially</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">, this has all coincided
with changes to agrarian social structures that have meant that unlike in the
past, these new risks have fallen on individual households rather than
communities. All this is lost on a globalised GM crop debate in which both
sides have </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://issues.org/30-3/forum-spring-2014/"><span style="color: #0a5287; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">used the</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"> tragedy of farmer
suicides to “land a few blows”.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">For much of sub-Saharan Africa, the context is the </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://new-alliance.org/"><span style="color: #0a5287; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">G7 New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition in
Africa</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"> (known as the “New Alliance”). This cooperation framework was
launched by USAID and aims to “accelerate responsible investment in African
agriculture and lift 50m people out of poverty by 2022”. This is supposed to
help smallholders in particular, but in reality it looks to be about
facilitating the regulatory wishes of agribusiness.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">The </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://new-alliance.org/sites/default/files/resources/Mozambique%20Coop%20Framework%20ENG%20FINAL%20w.cover%20REVISED1.pdf"><span style="color: #0a5287; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Mozambique country
agreement</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">, for example, commits to “systematically ceasing to distribute
free and unimproved [non-commercial] seeds to farmers except in emergencies”.
While not technology specific, this clearly advantages producers of
commercially produced GM or hybrid seeds over local varieties.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Rather than endlessly debate the pros and cons of GM in
isolation, we need to turn our attention to these framework agreements. If GM
crops are to be extended in developing countries in ways that benefit the poor,
paying close attention to international development and investment frameworks
currently under formation is just as important as understanding the relative
merits of technologies themselves.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/sally-brooks/">Sally Brooks</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">This article was first published in </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://theconversation.com/gm-crops-and-the-developing-world-opposing-sides-miss-the-bigger-picture-50479">The Conversation</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #2a2a2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-63180828488100037602015-12-08T06:51:00.000+00:002016-06-21T17:05:56.859+01:00A rare case of policy success? How Kenya’s nutrition sector is on course to meet global targets<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg1hVcjERQpj7rLqQQD_cP8L_vxGqte0WwAgV6HN8F7Xd9SFdrDOOVrGZwvLFSn_EHgeNPJTGp7EP-aobfb0qgFhyphenhyphenhCcRdsXCnqTQ55tWGhgMWEGKDvclYp_0HWX4f7NdihNxK2gBCUa5c/s1600/policy+success.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="265" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg1hVcjERQpj7rLqQQD_cP8L_vxGqte0WwAgV6HN8F7Xd9SFdrDOOVrGZwvLFSn_EHgeNPJTGp7EP-aobfb0qgFhyphenhyphenhCcRdsXCnqTQ55tWGhgMWEGKDvclYp_0HWX4f7NdihNxK2gBCUa5c/s400/policy+success.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">During
my first term at the <a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/onlinestudy/">University
of York</a> one of the issues we discussed during weekly online discussions
with students from around the globe was policy failure. It was interesting how frequent
it seemed that public systems didn’t live up to citizens’ expectations, no
matter which part of the world we were writing from. Policy success appeared as
rather elusive. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It
therefore is a pleasant surprise to sing to a slightly different tune and consider
a more positive trend with regards to the nutrition sector of Kenya’s Ministry
of Health. In 2012, the World Health Organisation (WHO) developed a <a href="http://www.who.int/nutrition/global-target-2025/en/">set of 6 targets</a>
that were deemed by member states as essential to comprehensively address the
main nutrition concerns to be attained by 2025. Through the annual tracking of
these targets, the 2015 <a href="http://globalnutritionreport.org/">Global nutrition
report</a> showed Kenya as the only country on track to meet all six targets.
So, what can explain this positive trend in Kenya’s nutrition sector, what
could we learn from it about public policy success? <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Before
delving into this, it is important to highlight just how complex nutrition
issues can be. Malnutrition may appear simply as a food deficit and should hence
easily be resolved by providing enough food to the people who lack it, when they
need it. But nutrition issues are far more <a href="http://www.unicef.org/nutrition/training/2.5/4.html">complex</a> than
that:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Primarily,
nutrition is an outcome, not just of the food ingested, but of how the body
handles it – meaning a person with illness, for example a child with diarrhoea,
is likely to have a poorer nutrition status compared to a child without, even
with equal food intake. Secondarily, complex dynamics affect when and how a
child is fed and cared for, such as: the mother’s access to information and
education; access to health services; hygiene and sanitation practices and food
availability. On a tertiary level these outcomes are again affected by broader
state issues: how does the culture perceive a woman’s education – is it
encouraged? Does a government prioritise healthcare and facilitate optimal
coverage of health services? What about policies that support livelihoods and
enable communities to absorb shocks from volatile markets? And of course, there
is the issue of political stability. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">These
factors affect the nutrition situation in complex ways, and to varying degrees.
The challenge of sound nutrition policy is being able to address these diverse
complex issues appropriately, and all the while in a rapidly changing environment.
The interventions required to relevantly address nutrition problems require an understanding
of the broader issues’ contribution to nutrition so that these issues are
addressed from the three levels previously expounded, and not just at outcome
level. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">While
many little things built up to contribute to the nutrition sector’s success,
the overarching one could be strategic positioning. From 2010-2012, the Kenyan government’s
nutrition sector together with nutrition-focused UN bodies and non-governmental
organisations aligned all nutrition actions and strategies within one <a href="http://scalingupnutrition.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/Orange_Internal_InOutline_ENG_20140415_web.pdf">global
strategy</a> called the <a href="http://scalingupnutrition.org/sun-countires/kenya">scaling up nutrition
movement. </a>This led to well-coordinated actions and a harmonised approach
that influenced a <a href="http://www.educational-business-articles.com/8-step-process.html">compelling
vision for change</a>. With all actors speaking with one voice, the experience,
capacity and opportunities of agencies were amplified. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The
sector then sought to address the legal and policy arenas that would provide
institutional legitimacy to bring on board influential actors. For example an <a href="http://www.klrc.go.ke/index.php/constitution-of-kenya/113-chapter-four-the-bill-of-rights/part-3-specific-application-of-rights/219-53-children">article
on the right to basic nutrition</a> was enshrined in Kenya’s constitution. The
sector also developed two guiding policies: a budgeted <a href="https://extranet.who.int/nutrition/gina/en/node/17863">national nutrition
action plan</a> under control of the Ministry of Health that expounded 11 strategic
objectives to be adopted and contextualised to devolved counties; and the <a href="https://extranet.who.int/nutrition/gina/en/node/11501">Kenya Food and
Nutrition Security Policy</a> that was developed as a platform to engage ministries
that are complementary to nutrition such as education, agriculture and food
industries. These two policies are deemed to direct and streamline actions from
allied agencies by highlighting government priorities. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This
streamlining of actions meant two things: First, at the organisational level,
agencies executing a nutrition mandate (local or international) adopted
government priorities for nutrition as their priorities. Thus, an agency’s
implementation plan was not guided by its resources and the organisation’s
priorities but in line with the government’s priorities. Secondly, at implementation
level, this reduced the redundant duplication of actors’ efforts as roles were
clarified and mapped in line with the harmonised policy. Coupled with a <a href="http://www.nutritionhealth.or.ke/videos">cohesive coordination mechanism</a>,
agencies and actors regularly appraised their actions, processes and outcomes
against the common sector plan, to adjust off-course actions and reinforce the
on-course ones. This gradually led to the identification of actions that were
appropriate for a scale-up of nutrition services with the government taking
lead in the execution of the services. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So
what’s next for Kenya’s nutrition sector? For one, a cautious approach to the
successes gained is necessary. The sector needs to appraise the meaning of the
gains by looking a little deeper. For instance, while the 2015 Global Nutrition
Report revealed no increase in childhood overweight, unfortunately the same
report revealed an increase in adult overweight in Kenya. There is also need
for increased nuance in linking the underlying causal issues that impact
nutrition outcomes, i.e. to elaborate exactly how these issues actually <a href="http://www.theoryofchange.org/what-is-theory-of-change/">contribute to
change</a>. One simple example is how an increase in a woman’s workload
negatively impacts on her ability to offer improved care to her child,
including having an impact on the time available to feed her child (Hailey,
2015). Such nuance could rally the different sectors that engage women to do so
by taking into consideration the impact of empowerment opportunities on the amount
of time she spends with her child. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In
summary, Kenya has made great strides in combating malnutrition based on the six
global priorities. It greatly owes this first to a growing understanding of the
complex issues that contribute to malnutrition and then aligning and
streamlining policies, and actions, to this understanding. While this is
definitely worth celebrating, maintaining a little caution and assessing more
thoroughly the meaning of these successes would enable the sector to
consolidate the gains made and to build on them, thus, to address the nutrition
challenge not just holistically but also sustainably.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://ke.linkedin.com/pub/lilian-karanja-odhiambo/85/1a9/177">Lillian Karanja</a>
<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
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<br /></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Hailey, P. (2015). <i>Theory of Change Framework Nutrition
Resilience.</i> Centre For Humanitarian Change.</span></span><span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com6tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-72673050616891077532015-11-24T13:25:00.000+00:002016-06-21T17:03:35.745+01:00Managing public sector projects: What determines success or failure?<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg5Ak8cCHNhjvQiWPWlveHKJPCUBTeNPFHfZsWc_2uwcN2ay6D8srk0xBJf3ccLswqdFvDiwm7ry1GIoZkJBdYgN65BRSeskd29QiCGaptE4qyPHOPVSNQC9AryiMfK2ee5BSr7lRRo9L0/s1600/shutterstock_110593361.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg5Ak8cCHNhjvQiWPWlveHKJPCUBTeNPFHfZsWc_2uwcN2ay6D8srk0xBJf3ccLswqdFvDiwm7ry1GIoZkJBdYgN65BRSeskd29QiCGaptE4qyPHOPVSNQC9AryiMfK2ee5BSr7lRRo9L0/s400/shutterstock_110593361.jpg" width="300" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Over the last few years there have
been several initiatives in the UK and elsewhere aimed at building the project
management capacity of the public sector. In the UK, the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/groups/major-projects-authority#priorities">Major
Projects Authority</a> was established in 2011 to provide independent assurance
to government about the progress being made on governmental projects, and to
support the development of a skilled cadre of governmental project leaders.
This was followed by the establishment of a Major Projects Leadership Academy
to develop leadership capability and build technical and commercial know-how.
The latest version of the Civil Service Capabilities Plan (the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/332915/The_Capabilities_Plan_2014_Annual_Refresh_v0e.pdf">2014
‘Annual Refresh’</a>) confirms that ‘delivering successful projects and
programmes’ is one of four key priorities for skills development in central
government. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The backdrop to these initiatives
is a well-established rhetoric concerning the likelihood of <a href="http://wickedissues.blogspot.co.uk/2015/09/why-cant-government-it-systems-be-more.html">failure
in public sector projects</a>. The strength of this rhetoric can be accounted
for partly by the greater public scrutiny to which governmental projects are
subject and thus the high-profile nature of ‘failure’ when it occurs, and
partly by a tendency in some circles to view public sector management as
somehow inherently lacking.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Despite the possibly heightened
tendency to look for and find failure in public sector projects, it is
nevertheless valid to ask why projects fail, whether in the public or private
sectors, and what could be done to increase the chances of success. This is an
especially relevant question in the current climate of austerity, with extreme
pressure being brought to bear on public spending and on achieving the maximum
‘value’ from resources.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">How, then, to increase the
likelihood that projects, whether in the public or private sector, will be
successful?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The usual starting point, in answering this
question, is to underline the importance of leadership, of technical and managerial
skills, and of ensuring that projects are soundly based on established methodologies.
This latter point can be seen in the Civil Service Capabilities Plan, which
emphasises the importance of ‘<span style="background: white; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">drawing on project management disciplines and methodologies
to achieve predictable, consistent, robust results’</span> so that the
Government’s priorities can be delivered ‘right first time’. This emphasis on applying
established methodology reflects the nature of the professional discipline of
project management, which emphasises a rational, technocratic and managerial approach
in which an established <a href="http://www.pmi.org/PMBOK-Guide-and-Standards.aspx">‘Body of Knowledge</a>’,
representing established good practice and applicable to any project, is to be consistently
applied. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This technical approach to project management,
founded on a linear process for initiating, planning, executing and closing a
project, provides a valuable foundation for building project success, but it
only takes us so far in understanding why projects go off the rails. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A wider perspective, and some important clues
about project failure, are offered by a recent study (Haji-Kazemi et al 2015) which
focuses on understanding what happens when early warning signs about a
project’s progress are identified. Such signs, whatever source they rise from,
should be important triggers that feed into project scrutiny and, if necessary,
into corrective action which in turn should help to increase the chances of
project success. In practice, however, early warning signs are frequently neglected
or misinterpreted. The reasons for this, as Haji-Kazemi et al discuss, are
variously organisational, psychological and political. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Organisationally,
choices have to be made about what kind of project information to monitor.
Decisions made at this stage can crucially affect what information gets
through. Psychological factors include a well-established tendency in project
management towards ‘optimism’ bias (Flyvbjerg 2009), defined as a tendency to
be overly positive about the outcomes that are likely to arise from planned
actions. This creates an inherent bias towards over-estimating benefits and under-estimating
time, cost and risk. A further psychological tendency that can contribute to a
neglect of warning signs is a tendency towards ‘normalisation of deviancy’ as
problems become familiar and so begin to be accepted as part of the norm,
creating ‘a perfect petri dish environment for corporate (or project)
misbehaviour’ (Pinto 2013: 377). Political factors, reflected in the role that
power plays, affect what type of information is allowed to influence
decision-making. Taken together, these organisational, psychological and
political factors can have a considerable influence on the extent to which
early warning signs are detected and acted on, and thus on project success.
Significantly, Haji-Kazemi et al identify that the likelihood of these factors
causing distortions increases as project complexity grows. Although their work
was focused on the private sector, this is a highly relevant finding for the
public sector project manager, as public service projects tend to be
characterised by multiple objectives and multiple stakeholders – both of which go
hand in hand with a large dose of complexity. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">What does this information mean, then, for
project management and for governmental projects in particular?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">First, there is nothing in these findings that
detracts from the importance for project success of managerial capacity,
technical know-how and skilled leadership. All these components of sound
project management need to be brought to bear on ensuring that the barriers to
recognising and acting on early warning signs are minimised. We also need to
recognise, though, the importance and significance of the organisational,
psychological and political factors that play into project management. While p<span style="background: white; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">roject management
disciplines and methodologies provide a foundation for identifying early
warning signs, they do not of themselves guarantee that these signs will be
acted on. Studies by Haji-Kazemi, Pinto and others indicate that the key
components in this respect go much wider than the project manager or leader,
and include the nature of the organisation’s culture (especially an openness to
discussion and a willingness to learn), the use of external scrutiny to provide
for objective assessment that is freed from internal bias, and an approach to
governance that encourages and rewards reflection and transparency.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="background: white; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">These findings about why early warning signs may be neglected
suggest that organisations need to frame the ‘problem’ of project management
failure more broadly. While accepting that project management skills and
capacity are part of the answer to this problem, organisations also need to understand
the deeper roots of project failure, and to develop their corporate capacity
for openness, learning, external scrutiny and effective governance. Otherwise,
no amount of training for project managers and leaders will increase the
chances of project success.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/ellen-roberts/">Ellen Roberts</a><o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Flyvbjerg,
B., Garbuio, M. and Lovallo, D. (2009). Delusion and deception in large
infrastructure projects: two models for explaining and preventing executive
disaster, <i>California Management Review</i>,
Vol 51 (2), pp. 170–193. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="DE" style="background: white; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: DE; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Haji-Kazemi,
S., Andersen, B. and Klakegg, O. J. (2015). </span><span style="background: white; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Barriers
against effective responses to early warning signs in projects, <i>International Journal of Project Management</i>,
Vol 33 (5), pp. 1068-1083<span class="apple-converted-space">.<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="background: white; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Pinto, J.K. (2013). Project management, governance and the
normalisation of deviancy, </span></span><i><span style="background: white; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">International Journal of Project Management</span></i><span style="background: white; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">, Vol 32 (3), pp. 376-387.</span></span></div>
The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-62715270232316897262015-11-10T09:41:00.000+00:002016-06-21T17:03:15.662+01:00Of magma and craters: The surge of the far-right in Germany<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/November_9_in_German_history">9<sup>th</sup>
November is a particular day in German history</a>. In 1918, the half- </span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjLyZ-v3hmL3AJXbR_3p5jfrHtbuHtppoyO6uWD1EQEtx24QH98M3_n5xKDH9PBHVmTfT0c1gJIDYhIsE1J9m8bbmDj3IsoK3DDT0Gae6c1qar6nPFt3MPGiUYEf-xPrb29B8GE3sBrBWU/s1600/german+flag+jigsaw.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjLyZ-v3hmL3AJXbR_3p5jfrHtbuHtppoyO6uWD1EQEtx24QH98M3_n5xKDH9PBHVmTfT0c1gJIDYhIsE1J9m8bbmDj3IsoK3DDT0Gae6c1qar6nPFt3MPGiUYEf-xPrb29B8GE3sBrBWU/s320/german+flag+jigsaw.jpg" width="320" /></a></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">hearted
and quickly aborted ‘November Revolution’ showed that Germans lack the vigour
and focus of the French or Russians when it comes to revolutionary endeavours,
confirming the poet Heinrich Heine’s adage that the German oak tree lends
itself badly to be transformed into gallows for the wealthy and powerful. In
1923, a fascist rabble-rouser called Adolf Hitler tried to conquer power in
Bavaria, unsuccessfully for the time being because he had not yet understood
that he would be more successful by counting on the German electorate and the
compliance of liberal and conservative elites instead of forcing his way to
power with violence only. In 1938, Germany’s Jewish population was given a
taste of even more horrible things to come during the pogroms of the ‘Kristallnacht’,
one of the most barbaric and visible first steps towards the Holocaust. And
finally, in 1989, the Berlin wall fell, marking the end of the division of
Germany. <o:p></o:p></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Nothing out of the ordinary could be reported for the 9<sup>th</sup>
November 2015, but in the mid-sized city of Dresden this Monday bore again
witness to a deeply worrying weekly spectacle: a demonstration of thousands of
followers of PEGIDA, an organisation that presents itself as a collective of
concerned Europeans fighting against the Islamisation of the Occident.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In recent months, events in Dresden have gained some <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/oct/27/pegida-germany-anti-immigrant-group-polarising-dresden">space
on the news agenda in countries like Britain</a>, but I would argue that this
attention has often been based on <a href="http://www.economist.com/blogs/economist-explains/2015/02/economist-explains-20">two
misconceptions</a> regarding first the question as to what PEGIDA represents,
and secondly the equally important matter of what it actually is. Let’s look
into these two points in turns.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">While it may be fascinating to ask why this movement has
managed to sustain its mobilisation in Dresden to an extent unseen in any other
parts of Germany (and there are <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/jan/04/dresden-pegida-far-right-protest-victim-of-history">local
factors that could explain this conundrum</a>), asking this question implies
that PEGIDA is a localised problem, something that neither other German cities
nor the rest of Europe need to worry about. Instead, it makes more sense to see
Dresden as the crater, the visible exit, for magma that is bubbling under the
whole of German society. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This magma, to stick to the geological analogy, consists of
two interconnected political forces: On the one hand, we can observe in Germany
as much as in many other European countries especially of the North and East a
considerable number of people whose worldview is aligned to what the
sociologist <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wilhelm_Heitmeyer">Wilhelm
Heitmeyer</a> calls <a href="http://www.uni-bielefeld.de/ikg/eng/project_gfe-survey.htm">‘group-focused
enmity’</a>, in other words a set of core beliefs that considers other human
beings, because of their belonging to specific social groups such as ethnic
minorities, as being inferior. On the other hand, German society has in the
last years been marked by the presence of a highly violent activism of the far-right,
which strangely enough usually fails to attract the attention of international
media observers who are normally so quick in falling over themselves to laud
the virtues of the German model, be it with regards to its economic success or
its presumably consensual, mature politics. According to the <a href="https://www.amadeu-antonio-stiftung.de/eng/about-us/">Amadeu Antonio
Foundation</a>, since 1990 178 people have been killed by right-wing
extremists; since the beginning of this year, there have been <a href="http://www.welt.de/politik/deutschland/article148455238/Zahl-der-Straftaten-gegen-Asylheime-mehr-als-verdreifacht.html">637
criminal acts against refugee accommodations including arson, often committed
by persons who are not yet known to the security forces</a> (even though one
shouldn’t read too much into this, given that the <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/nov/16/german-neo-nazi-security-service-scandal">scandal
around the ‘National Socialist Underground’</a> has shown to what extent there
is an opaque link between right-wing terrorist groups and the security
apparatus). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In the magma chamber of contemporary Germany, these hitherto
largely separated two strands of xenophobic racist ideology and far-right
activism seem to have come together, forming a volatile brew that erupts with a
foul stench from the crater that is Dresden. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">If this is indeed the case, the question as to what PEGIDA
is becomes important beyond academic debates, given that it may allow for
insights into what is bubbling under German society. In the media, terms such as
right-wing populism, ‘<a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/shortcuts/2015/jan/06/pegida-what-does-german-far-right-movement-actually-stand-for">Wutbürger</a>’
(angry citizens) or ‘the frustrated’ are frequently used, demonstrating a
certain insecurity as to how this movement ought to be categorised. But looking
at how the movement presents itself and its concerns and objectives, some key
themes emerge. There is a clear focus on defending German society against an
enemy from both within (political elites that PEGIDA considers to be complicit
in opening the country to its outside adversaries) and the outside (Muslims,
refugees, unwanted foreigners); a sense of being betrayed by those in power; an
urge to keep Germany ‘pure’ to prevent its further decline and to address with
strong voluntarism its presumed profound crisis.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Going through that list, it is striking that these views
correspond neatly to the definition of fascism given by the historian Robert O.
Paxton (2004). Therefore, things become much clearer and we can start calling a
spade a spade, or in this instance a fascist a fascist, without being too cagey
about offending anyone. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Now, qualifying PEGIDA as fascist is not the same as being
overly alarmed. Fascist movements have only ever got to power when they found
support among conservative and (to a lesser extent) liberal elites, when they
confronted a dysfunctional political system that had lost the ability to
regulate social conflicts and political questions in a legitimate way. Despite
the profound crisis of European polity, we are not yet there. But it seems
crucial to be careful and to keep an eye on these developments that seem unlikely
to get better before they get worse. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Which brings me to my final point: As unpleasant as the
regular sight of PEGIDA in the picturesque centre of Dresden may be, at least
this crater allows us to look into the magma chamber underneath, to frequently gauge
the latter’s condition. It is not much, but in a period when the far-right with
its reactionary and aggressive rhetoric and worldview gains ground almost
everywhere in Europe, one can’t be picky when it comes to ‘good news’. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/enrico-reuter/"><i>Enrico Reuter</i></a><i><o:p></o:p></i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Paxton, R.O.
(2004). <i>The Anatomy of Fascism</i>.
London: Penguin Books. </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com0Heslington, York, York YO10, UK53.948329409083541 -1.04949474334716853.94803740908354 -1.0501252433471679 53.948621409083543 -1.048864243347168tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-21057057722668724612015-10-27T16:13:00.000+00:002016-06-21T17:02:33.584+01:00‘Simultaneous immersion’ – the benefits of online study for applying learning in the workplace<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The main benefit of distance learning is almost always seen to be the flexibility </span><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEilMBdxJp0bGMRNa3fMUhSPCVuK7wTURaUJR0DZ8jN37cFExA2plUiYiHvo-wdIlTloDSYfmx0cP8f6gBcB4TCsjEUpHRtoaIk161kszBOlOp3_2e3Xq6Gkh9ChIUjD6AW0VIz99pep0hI/s1600/Water+book.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="262" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEilMBdxJp0bGMRNa3fMUhSPCVuK7wTURaUJR0DZ8jN37cFExA2plUiYiHvo-wdIlTloDSYfmx0cP8f6gBcB4TCsjEUpHRtoaIk161kszBOlOp3_2e3Xq6Gkh9ChIUjD6AW0VIz99pep0hI/s320/Water+book.jpg" width="320" /></a></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">that it brings: it puts the decisions about exactly where and when to study into the hands of the learner. As the <a href="http://www.thecompleteuniversityguide.co.uk/distance-learning/advantages-and-disadvantages-%E2%80%93-why-choose-distance-learning/"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Complete University Guide</span></a> puts it, “the main advantage of distance learning is that it allows you to fit your learning around your work and home life”. Other benefits prominently cited are <a href="http://www.usjournal.com/en/students/help/distancelearning.html"><span style="color: #cc0000;">“the luxury of remaining in your own home while studying”</span></a>, and of avoiding the hassle of visa restrictions. Hand in hand with these benefits goes the fact that there is no waste of time or money in travelling. <o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">These practical benefits to do with fitting study in among work and home life are all very clear and important reasons for studying at a distance, and are very relevant, moreover, to both employees and employers. <a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/spsw/images/books/SBile14may2015.pdf"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Our research</span></a>, led by my colleague <a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/sally-brooks/"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Sally Brooks</span></a>, has however highlighted an additional, equally important benefit regarding the <i>substance</i> of the learning. It relates to the conditions that distance learning creates for ‘simultaneous immersion’ - of being able to study and work in parallel - and to the benefits that hence arise from being able to apply learning directly to the workplace. These benefits have been relatively overlooked, compared with the instrumental benefits mentioned above, but should be a crucial part of the decisions made by individuals and organisations to invest in distance learning.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Our research examined the experience of students and alumni of the <a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/onlinestudy/"><span style="color: #cc0000;">University of York’s online Masters programmes in public policy and management</span></a>, which bring together people from around the world who work mainly in public sector and non-profit organisations and who are seeking to develop their skills and capacity for public service policy-making, leadership and management. From this research, which involved interviews with a cross-section of students who were well-advanced in their studies or who had recently completed them, we identified the following key findings about the way that learning crosses into the workplace: <o:p></o:p></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The first key finding is that studying while working creates the conditions for ‘simultaneous immersion’ which enables the learning to be immediately ‘read back into’ the workplace. This was summed up in our research by one of the interviewees, a senior civil servant in the UK, who was responsible for managing a departmental change process and who reflected on one of the analytical methods that he had employed with his team as a result of the module that he had studied on leading and managing change. He noted that: <o:p></o:p></span><br />
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<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">“If you’re going to go and learn it properly, then you’ve got to immerse yourself in it. If you are very deeply into [study] at the same time as when you’re working, then it’s a real opportunity just to launch these things in a practical sense in your head rather than in a theoretical one… So you know, that’s helped me not only read into that theory but also read it back into the organisation”.<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A second important result was that this process of applying learning in the workplace flowed partly from learning about and being able to choose between a wide range of models and approaches, depending on the context, rather than being presented with one set approach or ‘one best way’. One of our interviewees had recently moved from a role in a government department to a small non-governmental organisation; she summed it up like this:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></i>
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">“Particularly in the ‘Policy Analysis’ module, it was looking at all the different frameworks [that was beneficial]… And then, ‘Leading and Managing Change’ [another module]... it is so relevant to my role. But again, it was looking at all the different models. I could really see how that plays out in an organisation very nicely, and I have been using it in my current role quite a lot. So, I had lots of examples to show a lot of people”.<o:p></o:p></span></i><br />
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></i></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Thirdly, our research highlighted that this process of ‘simultaneous immersion’ helps to put in place an ongoing, long term integration of work and study that doesn’t end when the learner completes their studies, and which helps to propel habits of ‘reflective practice’ (Raelin 2002). One of the interviewees, who had changed role and country several times since completing his studies, spoke about how he had become a ‘lifelong learner’ continually seeking out opportunities to reinvest in work-based learning:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></i>
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">“I still don’t have a problem drawing back on what I studied. This online study has the potential of generating professional individuals who develop an interest in lifelong learning.”<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Interestingly, several of our interviewees talked not only about their own personal and individual ‘simultaneous immersion’, but also about how working and studying in tandem had enabled them to initiate conversations with colleagues (those reporting to them or their peers) which led to new ways of conceptualising and tackling work problems. This process seems highly relevant to Raelin’s notion of ‘public reflection’, which he suggests is important for moving organisational learning forward. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Organisations increasingly need fresh thinking, clear decision-making and a commitment to continual learning if they are to weather an increasingly complex context marked by <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/344441/The_Labour_Market_Story-_Skills_for_the_Future.pdf"><span style="color: #cc0000;">continuous and disruptive change</span><span style="color: black;">,</span></a> global pressures and highly constrained resources. In this context, distance learning via online study offers particular benefits for workplace learning. These benefits go beyond the much-cited ‘flexibility’ of distance learning, and are much more connected to the substance of the learning. They deserve to be much more widely recognised by employers, as a contribution to developing a skilled and adaptive workforce of employees who are committed to learning for the long-term.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/ellen-roberts/"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Ellen Roberts</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b>References</b><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Brooks, S. and Roberts, E. (2015) How online postgraduate study contributes to the development of reflective practice among public service practitioners, Interactive Learning Environments. Available at <a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/spsw/images/books/SBile14may2015.pdf"><span style="color: #cc0000;">http://www.york.ac.uk/media/spsw/images/books/SBile14may2015.pdf</span></a> accessed 18<sup>th</sup> October 2015.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Complete University Guide (2015) Advantages and disadvantages – why choose distance learning? Available at <a href="http://www.thecompleteuniversityguide.co.uk/distance-learning/advantages-and-disadvantages-%E2%80%93-why-choose-distance-learning/"><span style="color: #cc0000;">http://www.thecompleteuniversityguide.co.uk/distance-learning/advantages-and-disadvantages-%E2%80%93-why-choose-distance-learning/</span></a> accessed 18<sup>th</sup> October 2015.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Raelin, J. A. (2002) “I don’t have time to think”! versus the art of reflective practice, <i><span style="background: white;">Society for Organisational Learning and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology</span></i><span style="background: white;">, Vol. 4, No. 1, pp. 66-74. </span><o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="background: white;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">UK Commission for Employment and Skills (2014) The labour market story: skills for the future, Briefing Paper, July 2014. Available at <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/344441/The_Labour_Market_Story-_Skills_for_the_Future.pdf"><span style="color: #cc0000;">https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/344441/The_Labour_Market_Story-_Skills_for_the_Future.pdf</span></a> accessed 18<sup>th</sup> October 2015.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">US Journal of Academics (2015) The advantages of distance learning. Available at <a href="http://www.usjournal.com/en/students/help/distancelearning.html"><span style="color: #cc0000;">http://www.usjournal.com/en/students/help/distancelearning.html</span></a> accessed 18<sup>th</sup> October 2015. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-53883129991583841892015-10-14T13:46:00.000+01:002016-06-21T17:02:14.435+01:00So we’re all vulnerable now, or are some more vulnerable than others?<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">When at the 2015 UK Conservative party conference the Home Secretary
</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg4UMmhSx1bZd1HkMYrD5E61Rxh25iHY3OgK_vK5zgIE2P79tQphw4z76XHch85GTsBti3zIlov9SmPyx7AOm3M1-8udlDUCqWLPPsAWpXitHtj7E77ZQBsmfKrFYnTxEvJ9iGq-R82rqk/s1600/Broken+links.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg4UMmhSx1bZd1HkMYrD5E61Rxh25iHY3OgK_vK5zgIE2P79tQphw4z76XHch85GTsBti3zIlov9SmPyx7AOm3M1-8udlDUCqWLPPsAWpXitHtj7E77ZQBsmfKrFYnTxEvJ9iGq-R82rqk/s320/Broken+links.jpg" width="320" /></a></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Theresa May invokes “<a href="http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2015/oct/06/theresa-may-speech-new-low-politics-migration">the
most vulnerable</a><span class="MsoHyperlink">”</span> as a selling point for harsh
new proposals regarding the treatment of refugees (which the Refugee Council
described as “thoroughly chilling”), it isn’t to highlight the human cost of
the current wave of migration originating to a greater extent from Syria and
other conflict zones, rather it is an attempt to employ a vulnerability
narrative to soften the harsh and draconian new asylum proposals in what can
clearly be seen as a self-serving speech in her presumed bid for the Tory
leadership. When however the <a href="http://www.who.int/trade/glossary/story093/en/">World Health Organisation</a>
tells us that although ‘the vulnerable’ pre-exist globalisation, groups such as
“the elderly, the young, and the poor [who] are already so marginalized that
they cannot benefit from globalization… are increasing in numbers as
globalization increases the gap between rich and poor” it suggests that
vulnerability represents a substantive and long-standing problem. And when <a href="http://law.emory.edu/news-center/releases/2014/09/insights-fineman-universal-vulnerability.html#.VhfVhvlViko">Martha
Fineman</a>, a Robert W. Woodruff Professor of Law at Emory University and an
internationally recognized law and society scholar, argues that vulnerability
is a life-long universal human ‘condition’ which has both political and policy
implications, then clearly there is more to the concept than simple semantics
and something which is clearly worthy of further research and investigation.
Indeed it is precisely the political and policy implications of vulnerability
which is the driver for research that myself and my colleague <a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/enrico-reuter/">Enrico Reuter</a> are currently
engaged in. Our research examines the relationship between a specific
conceptualisation of vulnerability and labour market policies, and the impact
policy has on those at the margins of the labour market.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Vulnerability as the WHO suggest is not a new phenomenon,
nor is it new to the social sciences. For example, it has a history as a way of
conceptualising risk (Beck 1992) in contemporary society, with Beck (2009: 178)
noting that vulnerability and risk were “two sides of the same coin”. Perhaps
what is ‘new’ is the plethora of uses this term is applied to, clearly not with
the same intent or agenda, by a range of social actors, whether that be
housing, education, disability or youth justice (Levy-Vroelant, 2010; Brown,
2012; Emmel and Hughes, 2014). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In thinking about vulnerability, I want to make a
distinction between what can be thought of as the generalised
conceptualisations of vulnerability in popular discourse on the one hand, and a
perhaps broader conceptualisation of vulnerability which can be applied to
labour market relations in general and to those on the margins of the labour
market in particular on the other hand. The margins are those areas of the
labour market that are less secure, more informal and so at greater risk of
exposure to the vagaries and the ebb and flow of the broader global economy
(Savage et al, 2013). The margins also contain those who are employed on short
term or ‘zero hours contracts’, those who in plain terms are more vulnerable to
unemployment and at greatest risk of poverty and/or increased inequality
whether that be through unemployment or as members of the working poor. In
September the UK’s Office for National Statistics released figures which showed
that nearly <a href="http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/rel/lmac/contracts-with-no-guaranteed-hours/employee-contracts-that-do-not-guarantee-a-minimum-number-of-hours--2015-update-/employee-contracts-that-do-not-guarantee-a-minimum-number-of-hours--2015-update.html#tab-conclusions">three
quarter of a million people are on zero hours contracts</a> It is this group whom <a href="http://www.guystanding.com/">Guy Standing</a> (2011) has defined as the
precariat, which he argues is a coming class defined by its members’
relationship to a range of securities allied to the labour market. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In addressing vulnerability, the policy results of
institutions, of governments and their departments can either exacerbate or ameliorate
individual/shared vulnerability, and too often in the current neo-liberal
political environment it is the former rather than the latter that results from
social policy reforms. Too often vulnerability is linked to a spurious notion
of ‘choice’, and the predominant discourse is behaviourist and seeks to impose
restrictions upon, or hurdles in the way of, those deemed vulnerable as a
direct result of their own action or inaction as perceived by the state. This
is particularly the case when the current (and previous) UK government talk
about and legislate for employment and access to the labour market, as
illustrated by the <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/aug/28/the-guardian-view-on-welfare-reform-death-and-the-benefit-system">work
capability assessment of the Department for Work and Pensions</a>. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Whilst not wishing to push the exact relationship between
the precariat and vulnerability too far, it is those who lack some or all of the
‘seven forms of security’ (labour market, employment, job, work, skill
reproduction, income, representation) identified by Standing (2011) who become
the target of social policies that highlight and target the individual. This
can be both a positive as well as a negative element in policy making; in the
former bolstering individual resources and resilience – being identified or
labelled as vulnerable can result in individuals and groups being the
recipients of direct or tailored support to combat such vulnerability – and in
the latter adopting a behaviourist approach through restricted and conditional
access to welfare state support. The common ground for both however is that
social policies which simply co-opt the vocabulary of vulnerability pursue a
clear focus centred on individual accountability rather than a social and
collective rights-based response (Levy-Vroelant, 2010). It is the change in the
relationship between employment and citizenship which, as the determining
factor in the access to social rights, has undergone significant structural
change as a result of the impact of a liberal globalised economy. In the words
of my colleague <a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/kate-brown/">Kate
Brown</a>, in her excellent book ‘Vulnerability and Young People’, we need a
structural approach to vulnerability, one which takes account of “institutions
and their role in the provision of ‘supportive’ services… institutional factors
and forces that shape the choices, views and lives of individuals which persist
over time, but which can be modified by human action” (Brown, 2015: 16). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">On balance, the shift from de-commodification to
re-commodification of labour (Greer, 2015) can result in greater individual
insecurity and vulnerability to external shocks. Allied to the hegemonic
neo-liberal discourse of the 1980s and 1990s, employment and participation in
the labour market became and remains more precarious for a greater number of
people in a variety of economic settings – particularly the young and least
skilled – which places them at greater risk of (long-term) unemployment and
confines them to the margins of the labour market.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Recently Professor Peter Fleming wrote a piece for The
Guardian called ‘<a href="http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/sep/07/nothing-good-about-zero-hours-contract-abolish-them">There
is nothing good about the rise of zero hour contracts – ban them now</a>’. In
the context of vulnerability, citizenship and social rights, it is difficult to
find anything to disagree with in what he says.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt; line-height: 115%;"><a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/kevin-caraher/">Kevin Caraher</a></span><span style="font-size: 11.5pt; line-height: 115%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="GSW-FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: GSW-FR;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Beck, U. (1992). <i>Risk
Society: Towards a New Modernity</i>, London, Sage.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="GSW-FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: GSW-FR;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="GSW-FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: GSW-FR;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Beck, U. (2009). <i>World
at Risk</i>, Cambridge, Polity Press.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="GSW-FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: GSW-FR;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="GSW-FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: GSW-FR;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Brown, K. (2012). Remoralising ‘vulnerability’, <i>People, Place and Policy Online</i>, 6 (1),
41-53.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Brown, K.
(2015). <i>Vulnerability and Young People: Care and Social Control in Policy
and Practice</i>. Bristol: The Policy Press<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Emmel, N.
and Hughes, K. (2014). ‘Vulnerability, Inter-Generational Exchange, and the
Conscience of Generations’ in J. Holland and R. Edwards (eds) <i>Understanding Families Over Time: Research
and Policy</i>, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="GSW-FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: GSW-FR;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="GSW-FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: GSW-FR;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Greer, I. (2015). Welfare reform, precarity and the
re-commodification of labour, <i>Work,
Employment and Society</i>, (available online May 13 2015).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">Levy-Vroelent, C. (2010). Housing Vulnerable Groups: The
Development of a New Public Action Sector, </span><i><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT;">International
Journal of Housing Policy</span></i><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">, 10 (4), 443-456.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="GSW-FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: GSW-FR; mso-bidi-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="GSW-FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: GSW-FR; mso-bidi-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Savage,
M.,Devine, F., Cunningham, N., Taylor, M., Yaojin, L., Hjellbrekke, J., Le
Roux, B., Friedman, S. and Miles, A. (2013). A new model of social class?
Findings from the BBC’s Great British Class Survey Experiment, <i>Sociology</i>, 47 (2), 219-250.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="GSW-FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: GSW-FR; mso-bidi-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="GSW-FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: GSW-FR; mso-bidi-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Standing, G.
(2011). <i>The Precariat: The Dangerous New
Class</i>, London Bloomsbury.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com5tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-71267865084776962092015-10-02T09:03:00.000+01:002016-06-21T17:01:54.543+01:00Our new Masters in Social and Public Policy: Expanding excellent distance learning at the University of York<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/onlinestudy/10thanniversary/">For more than 10 years</a>, the York Online Team has delivered excellent distance </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEigxB82ZpMc2W_HqkUlgzX6bsCbfCgP1sCZgkswFKFNljpYGNm4mSIYoiuxgDu8GbCLNfQZnv1Ob7H-NSkRkKEAUnM_D2CHdRXW4vJxformgzr4kEHeOMrlfnOqtCWC5DQZ-2x0d5U-5pE/s1600/linking+theory+and+practice+200+x+147.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEigxB82ZpMc2W_HqkUlgzX6bsCbfCgP1sCZgkswFKFNljpYGNm4mSIYoiuxgDu8GbCLNfQZnv1Ob7H-NSkRkKEAUnM_D2CHdRXW4vJxformgzr4kEHeOMrlfnOqtCWC5DQZ-2x0d5U-5pE/s1600/linking+theory+and+practice+200+x+147.jpg" /></a></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">learning programmes in the field of public policy, administration and management as well as international development. Based on these experiences and driven by our ambition to continuously improve the way we teach and support our students, we are today very proud and happy to officially launch our <a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/postgraduate/ma-spp/">new MA in Social and Public Policy</a>, which will be open to students from September 2016.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There have been two main reasons for this expansion of our programme catalogue:</span></div>
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<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Since we are part of the Department of Social Policy and Social Work, it seemed right to offer a programme with a strong, direct focus on social policy, to not only draw on the expertise of our own staff in this field but to also benefit from as well as contribute further to the outstanding reputation of the Department, which achieved the <a href="http://www.ref.ac.uk/">third place in last year’s Research Excellence Framework</a> on research quality and is overall one of top ten social policy departments in the UK, according to the <i>‘Times and Sunday Times University Guide 2016’ </i>and the <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/education/ng-interactive/2015/may/25/university-league-tables-2016#S280">Guardian University guide 2016</a>.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Establishing this new programme enables us to reach new groups of students who wish to specialise in studying the interplay between public and social policy, and who wish to dedicate a substantive part of their studies to their Masters dissertation. </span></li>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">To accommodate </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">the latter, the new MA will differ from our other online programmes by being two years long (instead of three years for our other programmes; even though there exists the option on these three-year programmes to speed up the study process) and by focusing the second year on the preparation of an 18,000 words dissertation. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">If you are interested in this programme or know of people who may be, we would invite you to have a look at the </span><a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/postgraduate/ma-spp/" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">new programme website</a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> that contains all relevant information on entry requirements, taught modules and the structured support available to you.</span><br />
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<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And please do not hesitate to get in touch, via <a href="mailto:spsw-online@york.ac.uk">spsw-online@york.ac.uk</a> for any queries you may have.</span></span></div>
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The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com0Heslington, York, York YO10, UK53.948313623888829 -1.049537658691406253.947729623888826 -1.0507981586914064 53.948897623888833 -1.0482771586914061tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-53506947834815716562015-09-15T16:00:00.000+01:002015-11-17T18:19:58.232+00:00Why can’t government IT systems be more like supermarkets?<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Despite the rapid diffusion of ICTs and the internet generally
and the increasing </span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjB0m-ox1mm1bjve6VcLqaI1MNzneOEFdYx9YVhnNbC7yxK1pBpxKdqCYc2atpORxOddDGfZXmR6kvkm-BW6RhZfXuPksKog0zcRV91b1B_b0xpWnEcUmWO7464MlyUJk67BsEKr_f_W2Y/s1600/www.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjB0m-ox1mm1bjve6VcLqaI1MNzneOEFdYx9YVhnNbC7yxK1pBpxKdqCYc2atpORxOddDGfZXmR6kvkm-BW6RhZfXuPksKog0zcRV91b1B_b0xpWnEcUmWO7464MlyUJk67BsEKr_f_W2Y/s320/www.jpg" width="305" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">use of networked systems in the public sector known as
eGovernment, the failure of some of these systems continues to dominate the news
in the sector. Last year in the UK, <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2014/aug/18/uk-bill-eborders-contract-termination-raytheon">the
British government axed a new e-borders system, with a cost to the taxpayer of
£224m</a>. But that was small change compared to the <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/society/2013/sep/18/nhs-records-system-10bn">abandoned
National Health Service (NHS) patients’ record system, which in 2013 lost
nearly £10 billion</a>.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The UK government’s current IT-based benefit flagship, Universal
Credit, has been beset with enough problems to keep those of us who keep a
critical eye on these things tutting into our coffee for years to come and
although not all the problems there are IT-related, the other problems
identified by the National Audit Office (2014), including poor management and a
‘bunker mentality’, have meant that the whole project has had to be ‘reset’,
which means the design and implementation of the IT system has been significantly
overhauled – and you can imagine the bill for that.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So is the failure of these ambitious projects inevitable? Some
studies show that the rate of total or partial failure of eGovernment systems
in some economies is as high as 85% (Heeks, 2006). These failures are costly in
the obvious economic sense but equally costly in terms of citizen’s trust in their
governments’ ability to implement the kinds of systems that the private sector seems
to have no problem with (‘if supermarkets can do it, why can’t the NHS?’ etc
etc).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So what’s the problem? Why are eGovernment projects abandoned
with eye-popping write-off costs with such regularity? And does anything
actually go well, despite the headlines? The answer to that is of course, but
success rarely makes good news copy. There are many examples of eGovernment
systems in place that offer a number of benefits for citizens and governments
alike. Simple examples such as the ability to apply for licences and permits or
pay taxes and fees online in general work well and save citizens and agencies
time and money. Efficiency gains such as removing the need to attend government
offices during office hours means that citizens can navigate some forms of
bureaucracy more conveniently and, in some cases, removing human interaction
can even reduce mid and low-level corruption. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">One could argue that these transaction-based systems compare
well to private sector systems such as online shops and financial services which
enjoy relatively high acceptance (take-up) rates amongst consumers; some studies
show that between 50-66% of people with access to the web use it for some kind
of financial transaction (Horrigan, 2008, Ofcom, 2011), with electronic cash
transfers in some countries enjoying parallel success: For example, 65% of
households in Kenya use a mobile phone-based cash transfer system (Jack and
Suri, 2011), a pattern that is seeing similar success in other sub-Saharan
countries.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">But the problems occur with systems that are designed to
process and manage a more complex range of variables, systems which often have
to retrieve this data from existing ‘legacy’ (old) systems and which, by their
very nature, require new ways of thinking about and working with this data.
Business processes that worked fine on a range of unconnected electronic and
paper-based systems may need to be re-engineered to fit the new world and this
then becomes a project that is as much about people as it is about technology.
Re-engineering these systems often means navigating complex and ever-changing hierarchies
and stakeholder groups. Add to that the political drivers to outsource the work
and push for an urgent roll out and you can see the iceberg ahead.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Technology is only a part of a ‘complex adaptive system’ that
includes people, processes, politics and all the usual complexities of
organised human life and understanding that seems to be the key to understanding
eGovernment ‘success’. Only the very naïve (or pathologically optimistic
neo-liberal) would suggest that government IT systems are comparable to
supermarkets but I can’t help wondering why, when there is so much research in
this area now, governments continue to make the same mistakes. The National
Audit Office (2014) notes that the ‘reset’ Universal Credit project will be
rolled out with a less ambitious timetable, with stable leadership, with more
control of suppliers and with an incremental ‘test and learn’ approach to the
process. I do wonder though if political ambition might thwart this promise. I
will be watching with interest, coffee in hand.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN" style="color: #414141; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Heeks, R, (2006) <i>Implementing
and Managing eGovernment: an International Text</i>, London, Sage.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN" style="color: #414141; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Horrigan, J, (2008) ‘Online shopping, Pew Internet and
American Life Project Report’, available </span><a href="http://www.goldminenetwork.com/_did_you_know_online_shopping.pdf"><span lang="EN" style="color: #414141; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">http://www.goldminenetwork.com/_did_you_know_online_shopping.pdf</span></a><span lang="EN" style="color: #414141; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">,
accessed 1st September 2015.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN" style="color: #414141; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Jack, W and Suir, T (2011) ‘Mobile money: The economics
of M-PESA’, NBER working paper No. 16721, available </span><a href="http://www.nber.org/papers/w16721"><span lang="EN" style="color: #414141; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">http://www.nber.org/papers/w16721</span></a><span lang="EN" style="color: #414141; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">,
accessed 9th April 2015.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN" style="color: #414141; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">NAO, (2014) ‘Universal credit: progress update’,
available at </span><a href="http://www.nao.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2014/11/Universal-Credit-progress-update.pdf"><span lang="EN" style="color: #414141; mso-ansi-language: EN; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">http://www.nao.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2014/11/Universal-Credit-progress-update.pdf</span></a><span lang="EN" style="color: #414141; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">,
accessed 1st September 2015.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN" style="color: #414141; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Ofcom (2011) ‘Internet use and attitudes’, </span><a href="http://stakeholders.ofcom.org.uk/binaries/research/media-literacy/media-lit11/internet_use%20_2011.pdf"><span lang="EN" style="color: #414141; mso-ansi-language: EN; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">http://stakeholders.ofcom.org.uk/binaries/research/media-literacy/media-lit11/internet_use
_2011.pdf</span></a><span lang="EN" style="color: #414141; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">, accessed 1st September 2015.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Jane Lund teaches on the online Masters programmes in Public
Policy and Management in the Department of Social Policy and Social Work at the
University of York. She has a keen interest in eGovernment and eLearning. </span><o:p></o:p></div>
The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com4Heslington, York, York YO10, UK53.948313623888829 -1.049537658691406253.947729623888826 -1.0507981586914064 53.948897623888833 -1.0482771586914061tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-3392524789684421562015-09-01T09:30:00.000+01:002016-06-21T17:01:25.191+01:00From tiger to doormat: An opinion piece on the (fatal?) crisis of social democracy<div class="MsoNormal">
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Surveying the landscape of social democratic parties in
Europe is no task for the</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> fainthearted, given the extent of gloom that awaits
any observer: In the UK, the <a href="http://www.newstatesman.com/politics/2015/08/can-jeremy-corbyn-and-labour-mps-learn-get-along" target="_blank">election of a new Labour leader</a>, initially a contest in Tory mimicry, has turned
</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhwOxRT0-d7QCNrKqr7LMAl4djtm0clWMWCQOXJ4dYj1VVnMDePOthDn278bEKv85_9ev2IsN84shvXP5iNZjWC9tK4vw7rzcw18M5BECUvUz798SNpSVOlijjaUSzAq_UoNHfzkGSp1BM/s1600/Democracy.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhwOxRT0-d7QCNrKqr7LMAl4djtm0clWMWCQOXJ4dYj1VVnMDePOthDn278bEKv85_9ev2IsN84shvXP5iNZjWC9tK4vw7rzcw18M5BECUvUz798SNpSVOlijjaUSzAq_UoNHfzkGSp1BM/s320/Democracy.jpg" width="320" /></a></span></div>
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into an exercise that seems to deeply divide the party, notably between its parliamentarians and grassroots; <a href="http://www.spiegel.de/politik/deutschland/torsten-albig-spd-braucht-keinen-kanzlerkandidaten-a-1045090.html" target="_blank">some German social democrats</a> think about whether they actually should bother presenting
a candidate for the Chancellery in 2017 since the Conservative chancellor
Merkel appears to be doing such a great job and given that the social democrats
stand no chance of winning a majority without an alliance with the more radical
left (an alliance they are strictly opposed to); whereas the electoral hopes of
the <a href="http://www.humanite.fr/politique/comment-le-fn-se-nourrit-de-la-strategie-du-pire-549031" target="_blank">French centre-left</a> appear to rest on the idea that the spectre of the extreme
right and the particularities of the electoral system with its two rounds of
voting may save their skin in the next presidential election. The situation in
other countries seems hardly more encouraging, so that it is not surprising if one
asks what has gone wrong since the end of the 1990s, when the centre-left,
draped in the cloth of a new ‘Third Way’, dominated European politics and
beyond. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The reasons for this malaise are multiple, engrained deeply
in national </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">particularities, but I would argue that there are at least three
cross-cutting problems that affect, admittedly to different degrees, all social
democratic parties and the notion of social democracy itself. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">First, social democracy suffers from a “loss of historical
future [that represents] the main source of a political paralysis in the
present” (<a href="https://www.radicalphilosophy.com/article/a-marxist-heresy" target="_blank">Cunningham,2015, 31</a>). In a period when humanity faces a range of immense challenges,
from climate change and democratic disaffection to rising social inequalities
and volatile economic conditions, it seems that social democratic forces
restrict themselves to the stripped back promise of doing things a bit more
socially just than their conservative counterparts. While for example the
radical left attempts to reconcile social and environmental imperatives in the
concept of <a href="http://ecosocialisme.com/2013/04/05/first-manifesto-18-theses-on-eco-socialism/" target="_blank">eco-socialism</a>,
whereas conservative and liberal parties pursue a programme that profoundly
alters the <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/generalelection/unshackled-from-coalition-partners-tories-get-ready-to-push-radical-agenda-10237611.html" target="_blank">relationship between citizens and states</a>, there is no meaningful contribution to these
debates from the side of social democratic parties, which appear devoid of any
overarching ideas as to what the future should look like, and which seem to
believe that focus-group tested micro parcels of policies are sufficient to
gather long-term and strong support. Moreover, this unwillingness to ‘think the
future’ often goes hand in hand with an acceptance of the key ideological
assumptions of their political opponents on the right, which contributes to the
ideational hegemony of mind-sets that run counter to the ideals of a society
based on the principles of liberty, equality and fraternity. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Secondly, social democracy (and the left in general) has
lost the source of its power, the support from a coalition of working class and
lower middle-class voters linked to an array of diverse progressive forces from
all levels of society. It was this base and the strong collaboration with the
trade union movement, boosted by the wide attraction of collectivist ideals,
that helped to turn the three decades after the end of the Second World War
into a truly social democratic moment. Since the 1980s, this support has been
eroding due to two interconnected trends: On the one hand, increased levels of
individualisation or even atomisation combined with profound socio-economic changes
have undermined the collaborative model of post-war welfare capitalism; on the
other hand social democratic parties have begun to aim more and more for the
infamous ‘centre-ground’ while abandoning any serious attempts to engage with
and mobilise voters from lower income strata – which contributed to <a href="http://www.ippr.org/files/images/media/files/publication/2013/11/divided-democracy_Nov2013_11420.pdf?noredirect=1" target="_blank">ever rising levels of abstention and political disengagement from large segments of society</a> that used to be a solid support base. To make matters worse, not
many social democratic leaders seem to understand that voting is different from
retail and that the involvement, mobilisation and binding of voters and
supporters requires more than a friendly knock on the door or some
advertisement campaigns every four or five years. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Finally, the wider institutional setting within which
national policy-making occurs is no longer as amenable to social democratic
principles as it was in the past. Put simply, social democracy assumes that
there is a shared interest of all social classes and groups to create a stable,
prosperous society, and that a form of consensus can be negotiated within the
confines of a nation-state. The globalisation of the world economy and
particularly its immense financialisation, combined with the dominance of
competition (between states, organisations and individuals) as guiding principle
of societies, have altered the parameters of political conflict. The difficulty
of acknowledging this problem contributes to the intellectual vacuity of the
social democratic mainstream and to the toothless approach in addressing the social
conflicts of our times, at least in those instances when some form of
opposition is still expressed – which is not always the case, as for example
the support of most social democratic parties for the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transatlantic_Trade_and_Investment_Partnership" target="_blank">Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership</a> demonstrates. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">One could now say, why should we care? I would argue one
should for two reasons: First, with social democratic parties as the
traditionally strongest element of the left, the crisis of the former
inevitably represents a crisis of the latter, not just from an electoral point
of view but also regarding the legitimacy of left-wing policies. If people see
social democratic parties fail repeatedly to improve living standards, it is
likely that doubts regarding all forms of progressive, solidaristic policies
spread. Secondly, even though the European welfare state of the post-war era,
with its universal public services, was not only built by the social democratic
movement but also by conservative and liberal parties, it was undoubtedly the
influence and power of social democratic principles (strengthened by a good
dose of fear of the communist bloc) that drove this extension of social rights.
It is to be feared that with a social democracy in tatters and alternative
forces of the left yet underdeveloped, the near future will be less comfortable
for most of us, regardless of one’s political persuasion. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<i><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/enrico-reuter/" target="_blank">Enrico Reuter</a></span></span></i>The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com9Heslington, York, York YO10, UK53.948300995728772 -1.049548387527465853.947716995728769 -1.0508088875274659 53.948884995728775 -1.0482878875274657tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3737165044192778761.post-36039355032979573142015-08-17T10:30:00.000+01:002016-06-21T17:00:56.376+01:00Financing the Sustainable Development Goals - reflections on FfD3<div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-size: 12.8000001907349px;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;">Last month the Third</span><span lang="EN-US"> <a href="http://www.un.org/esa/ffd/ffd3/" target="_blank">‘Financing for development’</a> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;">(FfD) conference in Addis Ababa agreed on a global action agenda – known as the “Addis Ababa Action Agenda” (AAAA or the “Outcome”) - for financing the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) between 2015 and 2030. Following endorsement of the AAAA by the UN General Assembly on 27 July, UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon </span><span lang="EN-US">hailed it as “a foundation for success at the </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/post2015/summit" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank"><span style="color: #094ec0; text-decoration: none;">UN summit to adopt the UN post-2015 development agenda</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US">, in New York this September, and at the Conference of Parties of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (</span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://unfccc.int/2860.php" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank"><span style="color: #094ec0; text-decoration: none;">UNFCCC</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US">) (or </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.cop21.gouv.fr/en" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">COP 21</a></span><span lang="EN-US">) in Paris in December”.</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2015/jul/16/financing-for-development-summit-outcome-addis-ababa-milestone-millstone-poverty" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">“Historic”, “groundbreaking”, “a milestone”</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;"> are some of the words the UN has used to describe a blueprint that it said would forge “an enhanced global partnership that aims to foster universal, inclusive economic prosperity and improve people’s wellbeing while protecting the environment”. Erik Solheim, Chair of the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) tweeted from the conference ‘I believe historians will see Addis #ffd3 as the turning point for development’. Similarly, in her speech Justine Greening, UK Secretary of State for International Development, announced ‘</span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/greening-ffd-outcome-is-historic" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">the FFD outcome is historic</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;">’.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;">Other commentators, however, have noted that while there was agreement on broad frameworks and ‘</span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2015/jul/16/where-are-concrete-plans-action-development-finance-deal" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">key messages</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;">’ the Outcome </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.globalpolicy.org/component/content/article/271-general/52787-an-action-plan-without-much-action.html" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">fell short in terms of concrete commitments</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;">. According to </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.mrfcj.org/news/statement-from-mary-robinson-financing-for-development.html" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">Mary Robinson</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;">, former President of Ireland and UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, the “Action Agenda falls short of committing concrete proposals to reshape the global framework for financing development; its business as usual approach does not match the aspirations of the post 2015 Development Agenda and SDGs.” The </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.coc.org/rbw/ffd-3-outcome-fishing-crumbs-hope-sea-lost-ambition" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">CSO Forum</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;"> of 600 civil society organisations concluded that “on more than 20 areas, the AAAA represent a step backwards or, at best, maintenance of the status quo in relation to the pre-existing Monterrey/Doha body of commitments”. In their joint statement </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://csoforffd.wordpress.com/2015/07/14/addis-ababa-cso-ffd-forum-declaration/" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">‘Third FfD Failing to Finance Development</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;">’, the Forum concludes the AAAA “lost the opportunity to tackle the structural injustices in the current global economic system and ensure that development finance is people-centered and protects the environment.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;">This mixed picture is perhaps most strikingly reflected in the </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.g77.org/statement/getstatement.php?id=150716" target="_blank">closing plenary statement of the G77</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;"> which, while applauding progress made, noted a number of issues “important to, and fully endorsed by, the Group that have not been adequately accommodated in the current text.” That this diverse group, representing 134 countries “</span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.coc.org/rbw/ffd-3-outcome-fishing-crumbs-hope-sea-lost-ambition" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">found common ground in expressing discontent with the Outcome cannot be overemphasized</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;">."</span></span></div>
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<b><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">‘Beyond aid’</span></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://blog.results.org.uk/2015/07/06/beyond-aid-ffd-conference/" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">‘Beyond aid’ is the refrain</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;"> that has pervaded post-2015 FfD negotiations throughout. According to Justine Greening “We’re all talking about the Beyond Aid agenda… acknowledging that while aid is still necessary it’s not sufficient either for the next development leap, either in its scale or in its nature.” Erik Solheim of DAC summed it up thus: “From now on we will walk on three legs: Aid. Business. Tax.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US">However, </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.oxfam.org/en/pressroom/reactions/rich-countries-provide-poor-outcome-addis-financing-development-conference-oxfam" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">Oxfam</a></span><span lang="EN-US"> argues that the <span style="color: #262626;">“the Addis Action Agenda has allowed aid commitments to dry up” and on the issue of climate change “FfD has barely dealt with the huge additional burden which will be faced by countries least responsible for causing the problem”. Meanwhile the issue of debt relief, which played a </span></span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/debt/brief/hipc" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">central role</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;"> in the development financing agenda in the MDG era, was not even on the table. As </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.ipsnews.net/2015/07/opinion-addis-outcome-will-impact-heavily-on-post-2015-agenda-part-2/" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">Bhumika Muchhala</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;"> of the Third World Network explains, the AAAA “</span><span lang="EN-US">explicitly ignores a landmark initiative in the UN itself to establish an international statutory legal framework for debt restructuring<span style="color: #262626;">. Instead, it reaffirms the dominance of creditor-led mechanisms, such as the Paris Club, whose inequitable governance was criticised in the Doha Declaration of 2008.”</span></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;">Furthermore, the hoped for action on international tax cooperation - a key reform needed for developing countries to be able to mobilise domestic resources for sustainable development - also failed to materialise. As </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.devex.com/news/from-addis-to-new-york-what-does-the-ffd-summit-imply-for-the-sdgs-86581" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">Romilly Greenhill</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;"> of the Overseas Development Institute observed: “The key question was whether discussions on tax cooperation should take place in the United Nations - where every country has an equal say - or the </span><span lang="EN-US">Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development<span style="color: #262626;">, a rich-country club.” In the end OECD members </span></span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2015/jul/14/financing-for-development-conference-addis-ababa-rich-countries-accused-poorer-nations-voice-tax" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">blocked proposals to upgrade the UN Tax Committee to an intergovernmental body</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;">, asserting the OECD’s continued leadership role on tax issues. Nobel prize-winning economist, Joseph Stiglitz was particularly scathing of this manoeuvre. ‘“It’s not just that they’ve failed to live up to their moral obligation, their social obligations, their own commitments,” </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.devex.com/news/by-failing-to-live-up-to-their-obligations-developed-countries-are-doing-harm-86569" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">Stiglitz told Devex on the sidelines of a debate on international tax reform</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;">, “They’re actually doing harm.”</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;">If outcomes on aid and tax were less than was hoped for, the one ‘leg’ that <i>was</i> strengthened in the conference outcome was ‘business’. According to </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.oxfam.org/en/pressroom/reactions/rich-countries-provide-poor-outcome-addis-financing-development-conference-oxfam%3Futm_source=oxf.am%26utm_medium=ZPkE%26utm_content=redirect" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">Oxfam</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;">, “the outcome document puts private finance front and centre of financing for development”. ‘</span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.odi.org/comment/9693-catalytic-aid-private-sector-investment-development-addis-ffd" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">Catalytic aid’</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;"> (where aid is used to ‘leverage’ private finance) and ‘blended finance’ are now the watchwords. As Aldo Caliari of the civil society group </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.coc.org/rbw/ffd-3-outcome-fishing-crumbs-hope-sea-lost-ambition" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">Centre of Concern</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;"> explains, ‘the AAAA placed strong optimism on the role of the private sector without evidence to back it up and without parallel recognition of the developmental role of the State and commitments to safeguards States’ ability to regulate in the public interest or to protect human rights and the environment’.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;">These developments give new impetus to the promotion of private finance initiatives or public private partnerships (PPPs) as a preferred mechanism for development financing (particularly infrastructure development). However a recent report from </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.eurodad.org/whatliesbeneath" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">Eurodad</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;"> (European Network on Debt and Development) strikes a note of caution, with evidence that ‘</span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2015/jul/10/true-cost-private-sector-involvement-development-finance-summit-ppp" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">shows that liabilities from PPPs can pose a huge risk to the public sector’</a></span><span lang="EN-US">. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;">Meanwhile, another point of contention is the conflict, as yet unresolved, between “States’ ability to regulate in the public interest or to protect human rights and the environment” and terms of preferential trade agreements which include Investor State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanisms that are </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/embed/T4o9ibsXUQk" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">“more coercive than any review mechanism we can hope for in defence of sustainable development."</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;"></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;">‘A shaky start’</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;"></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;">The FFD3 summit in Addis Ababa is the first of a three landmark conferences this year, including the</span><span lang="EN-US"> </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/post2015/summit" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank"><span style="color: #094ec0; text-decoration: none;">UN summit to adopt the UN post-2015 development agenda</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US"> in New York in September and the Climate Change conference (</span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.cop21.gouv.fr/en" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">COP 21</a></span><span lang="EN-US">) in Paris in December. Simon Maxwell of the <span style="color: #262626;">Overseas Development Institute </span>has predicted, reassuringly perhaps that “</span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.simonmaxwell.eu/blog/financing-for-development-a-rapid-assessment.html" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">on content matters, the Post-2015 settlement will outrank the FfD document</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;">” (which begs the question why FfD3 came first…). Nevertheless, FfD3 has been a “</span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.coc.org/rbw/ffd-3-outcome-fishing-crumbs-hope-sea-lost-ambition" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">shaky start to the three conferences of this year</a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;">”. It remains to be seen how these not insignificant differences will be resolved (or not) as the year progresses.</span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626;"><a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/staff/sally-brooks/" style="color: #1155cc; font-size: 12.8000001907349px;" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Sally Brooks</span></a></span></div>
The University of York Online Masters Teamhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17627571638214512511noreply@blogger.com3Heslington, York, York YO10, UK53.94830730980928 -1.049559116363525453.947723309809277 -1.0508196163635255 53.948891309809284 -1.0482986163635253